У истоков российского консерватизма: Николай Карамзин и Жозеф де Местр
Article contains comparative analysis of the two most important documents in the epoch of liberal reforms of the reign of Emperor Alexander I – “Memorandum on ancient and modern Russia” by the court historian Nikolai Karamzin and “Four inedited chapters on Russia” be special envoy to Russia of King of Sardinia count Josef de Maistre. Both texts appeared in 1811 and were addressed to the Emperor personally. They presented radical critique of the whole specter of the reforms initiated by Alexander himself and by the time having been carried be his closest aide – State Secretary Mikhail Speransky. Both authors were not plotting against Speransky, but rather had provided Emperor with well elaborated conservative argument aimed at the core of Speranski’s reforms - such as abolition of serfdom, constitutional limitation of absolute monarchy and broad program of enlightenment in the spheres of higher education, sciences and religion. In spite of the fact that both documents had rather limited circulation among the top circle of Russian elite of the time and had been published only half a century later, they could be viewed as truly seminal for the conservative trend in the XIX century Russia.
This article addresses the question of philosophy and political program of contemporary Russian conservatism. The author analyses historical origins of this doctrine and the role of conservative romanticism in a framework of the current political process. From this position the author focuses on comparative analysis of Russian and West European forms of phenomenon under consideration.
An attempt of research of a ratio of the theory and practice in François Guizot scientific and public work is undertaken in this article. Guizot is the central figure of the French liberalism of the first half of the XIX century. The theory and practice of this thinker synthesized liberalism and conservatism.
Based on the works by M. N. Katkov, L. A. Tikhomirov, P. E. Kazansky, the representatives of the conservative political and legal thought in Russia at the turn of the XX century, the article provides a comprehensive overview of their ideas on personal freedom and the role of the state in its realization, balance between rights and duties regarded as elements of legal status of a person. The article challenges a common stereotype about conservative thinkers ignoring the concept of personal freedom. On the contrary, the author argues that the problem of personal freedom was regarded in relation with adjustment of the principles of the absolute supremacy with the tendencies of modernization. The liberal ideas on incompatibility of personal freedom with the state were opposed by the conservative thesis on non-antagonism of personal freedom to monarchy which is regarded as a safeguard of modernization. Still the conservative ideas on universal freedom leading to personal oppression proved to be fatidic.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
In the article the analysis of the situation which developed in Russia at the beginning of the XX century and attempts of the imperial power to prevent the approaching catastrophe which were connected with the realization of the idea of representation of the people is given. The attitude of the last Russian emperor to the idea of formation of representation of the people is shown.
This book sheds new light on the continuing debate within political thought as to what constitutes power, and what distinguishes legitimate from illegitimate power. This book concludes by arguing that the Russian experience provides a useful lens through which ideas of power and legitimacy can be re-evaluated and re-interpreted, and through which the idea of “the West” as the ideal model can be questioned.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.