Московское протестное движение 2015–2016 гг.: социологическое исследование
The article deals with a massive protest movement which swept major Iranian cities starting from the end of 2017. The fast growth of prices, the devaluation of the national currency, and environmental issues triggered a serious civil unrest which united different social groups and professional guilds in their dissatisfaction with the current socio-economic situation in the country. The most important thing which makes this protest different even from the events of 1388/2009 is the active participation of the so called bazari, or traditional middle class of merchants and small shop owners, who for decades presented a ground base for the Islamic regime. As long as the protest continues, it can have extremely negative consequences for the Islamic Republic, especially under the conditions of growing external pressure. The re-imposition of the former unilateral sanctions by the US and the implementation of new restrictions have already had a significant impact on daily life of common Iranians. Despite the difficult conditions caused by the sanctions, which the Iranian government calls a “psychological war” (Jang-i ravani) against the country, and the unstable situation in the Sunni regions of the west, north-west and south-east, the Islamic Regime (Nizam-i Islami) is still able to remain in control of the state. What realities of Modern Iran make its population “tired”? What was the reaction of the Iranian Government and Leader of the Revolution and how is the Iranian establishment going to overcome the crisis? Does the Iranian regime take necessary steps to decrease social inequality? What forces stand behind these protests in the country and abroad? These are the main questions to be answered in order to understand possible future developments and their results for the Islamic Republic and regional stability.
This article examines the changing patterns of industrial conflict in a rapidly modernizing Eastern European city, focusing on a multi-ethnic industrial hub. I follow repertoires of contention in four crucial moments characterized by shifting scales of the geopolitical embeddedness of the city: (1) an early Luddite riot of 1861 in the Polish autonomous sub-state within the Russian Empire, (2) the first massive labor protest and the following pogrom of 1892 in the city already fully subsumed under the imperial governance, (3) a failed revolution of 1905 with a sophisticated feedback loop between party politics and street emotions, (4) mobilization practices during the German military occupation during the IWW culminating in the tram workers strike of 1917, (5) developing forms of industrial bargaining in the early Polish state after 1918. This broad picture spanning over 60 years (1861-1921) is grounded in the existing secondary literature, extensive queries of primary sources such as administration reports, court proceedings and petitions, and the analysis of political leaflets and biographical testimonies of the working class militants. Such a cross temporal comparison brings a broader outlook on the labor unrest in Russian Poland and beyond, which before was researched only in fragmented manner.
Alongside the Arab Spring, the 'Occupy' anti-capitalist movements in the West, and the events on the Maidan in Kiev, Russia has had its own protest movements, notably the political protests of 2011–12. As elsewhere in the world, these protests had unlikely origins, in Russia’s case spearheaded by the 'creative class'. This book examines the protest movements in Russia. It discusses the artistic traditions from which the movements arose; explores the media, including the internet, film, novels, and fashion, through which the protesters have expressed themselves; and considers the outcome of the movements, including the new forms of nationalism, intellectualism, and feminism put forward. Overall, the book shows how the Russian protest movements have suggested new directions for Russian – and global – politics.
The results of cross-cultural research of implicit theories of innovativeness among students and teachers, representatives of three ethnocultural groups: Russians, the people of the North Caucasus (Chechens and Ingushs) and Tuvinians (N=804) are presented. Intergroup differences in implicit theories of innovativeness are revealed: the ‘individual’ theories of innovativeness prevail among Russians and among the students, the ‘social’ theories of innovativeness are more expressed among respondents from the North Caucasus, Tuva and among the teachers. Using the structural equations modeling the universal model of values impact on implicit theories of innovativeness and attitudes towards innovations is constructed. Values of the Openness to changes and individual theories of innovativeness promote the positive relation to innovations. Results of research have shown that implicit theories of innovativeness differ in different cultures, and values make different impact on the attitudes towards innovations and innovative experience in different cultures.