Benjamin Snyder’s book, “The Disrupted Workplace: Time and the Moral Or- der of Flexible Capitalism,” is devoted to the subjective perception of time spent at work by the employees who work under the system of flexible capital- ism. The author describes two types of time perception: quantitative, expressed in the desire to adhere to clear schedules and plans, and qualitative, marked by the ability to respond quickly to external changes and be constantly ready to act. The first type remains to be the reference for the classical worker and the most convenient one, but it is becoming rare in the labor market. The second
type is modern and more universal among employees now, but it has significant shortcomings. The interviews conducted with three groups of respondents (financial professionals, truck drivers, and unemployed job seek- ers), showed which dilemmas, contradictions, and disorders flexible capitalism has. At the outset, the system seems to provide the employee with opportunities to work freely, be entrepreneurial, change his life for the better, and have flexible working hours. Then it becomes clear that the workers lose themselves in unstruc- tured labor regimes, chaotic tasks, insecure working positions, and the absence of predictable future career paths, which deprives them of the opportunities to develop safely in the sphere of work and to plan their own futures. The situation, according to the author, is critical. “Games with work” forcing the workers to sacrifice their health, personal lives, and sometimes even rights to have a job and get a decent salary, stimulates them to be in a constant race to fulfil current tasks (in the case of financial professionals and drivers) or to search for a job (in the case of the unemployed). In such conditions, people have no opportunity to revitalize physically, morally, and psychologically. It becomes harder for them to critically estimate the modern system of flexible capitalism and their positions within this system. Justifying desynchronized life rhythm and constant change by the avoidance of monotony, boredom, and the routine of classic labor regimes at the micro level, society comes across new forms of inequality (highly skilled specialists are exposed to unemployment on par with low-skilled workers) and problems with job security (work becomes irregular and unpredictable for the major- ity of the population) at the macro level.
In the article the author presents the inquiry into peculiarity of the social organization of time in late-capitalist modernity. The problem is analyzed through the opposition of fast and slow modes of doing. Three models are taken as the most representative for accelerated temporal regimes characteristic of modernity: Taylorism/Fordism in industry, “McDonaldization” in services and “new professionalism” in knowledge work and liberal professions. Peculiarity of the modern social organization of time is defined, following A. Zerubavel, through four main features: rigid sequential structures, fixed durations, standard temporal locations and uniform rates of recurrence. The late-capitalist modernity is characterized by extreme intensification of these parameters of clock-time, by their tendency to totalization, by proliferation of such temporal orderings and by their arbitrary intersections. Incorporation of these temporal orderings originated in dynamics of capital into everyday life is treated as the core feature of the process of “colonization of the life-world”. The author discusses the consequences of that process and problems it generates, especially those related to values and social inequalities.
Several approaches to the concept of fatherhood present in Western sociological tradition are analyzed and compared: biological determinism, social constructivism and biosocial theory. The problematics of fatherhood and men’s parental practices is marginalized in modern Russian social research devoted to family and this fact makes the traditional inequality in family relations, when the father’s role is considered secondary compared to that of mother, even stronger. However, in Western critical men’s studies several stages can be outlined: the development of “sex roles” paradigm (biological determinism), the emergence of the hegemonic masculinity concept, inter-disciplinary stage (biosocial theory). According to the approach of biological determinism, the role of a father is that of the patriarch, he continues the family line and serves as a model for his ascendants. Social constructivism looks into man’s functions in the family from the point of view of masculine pressure and establishing hegemony over a woman and children. Biosocial theory aims to unite the biological determinacy of fatherhood with social, cultural and personal context. It is shown that these approaches are directly connected with the level of the society development, marriage and family perceptions, the level of egality of gender order.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.