The Moscow Mayoral Election: Just as Non-Intriguing as All Other Regional Races Held in Russia on September 9
(Point & Counterpoint) Moscow is Russia's wealthiest city with the largest concentration of highly-educated and critically-minded Russians. But the Moscow mayoral election is just as non-intriguing as all other regional races to be held in Russia on September 9. Russian experts—Natalia Zubarevich, Alexey Titkov, and Denis Volkov—talk about the Moscow economy, the "urban growth machine" built by Mayor Sergey Sobianin, and the perceptions of Muscovites.
The primary elections of United Russia party serve as a tool for party organization and voter mobilization. In the run-up to the 2016 national legislative elections, the strength of United Russia’s regional political machines was tested in a massive campaign of intra-party elections. This study traces the history United Russia’s primaries in 2007-2011, which allows for arriving at a better understanding of the multiple roles played by quasi-democratic institutions in an authoritarian political context. On the basis of these findings, we employ United Russia’s capacity to mobilize voter turnout in primary elections as an indirect indicator of the strength of party-controlled political machines. Our analysis of the results of the 2016 Duma elections in 83 regions of Russia demonstrates voter turnout in the spring 2016 party primaries of United Russia to a significant extent explain cross-regional variation in party success.
Le Rapport annuel sur l’état de la Russie (Yearbook) est notre principal projet éditorial. Il présente l’expertise de l’Observatoire sur un large éventail de thématiques — économie, politique intérieure/société, régions, politique étrangère/défense, relations franco-russes. Réunissant les contributions d’une cinquantaine d’auteurs renommés, il offre une photographie analytique complète et opérationnelle de la Russie d’aujourd’hui. Ouvrage de référence, le Rapport de l’Observatoire est présenté chaque année lors du Forum économique international de St-Pétersbourg (SPIEF) et à l’occasion d’un grand colloque franco-russe à Paris.
Less than a decade since its official introduction, smart specialization, which guides the selection of priorities for innovative development, has proven to be a far-reaching academic idea and political instrument. In the European Union, smart specialization is mentioned among ex ante conditions for receiving subsidies from European structural and investment funds. Its core principles are considered in innovation strategies in Australia, South Korea, and some countries of Latin America. In Russia, smart specialization is also being introduced in the agenda of policymakers.
The paper seeks to reveal which levels of governance should be involved in the design of a smart specialization strategy and which factors should be the focus of attention when using this approach. The research is based upon an analysis of the innovation strategies of seven Russian regions, conducted with the adapted RIS3 Self-Assessment Wheel.
The results of the study empirically confirm that most principles of smart specialization are considered, at least formally, in the traditional innovation strategies of Russian regions. At the same time, without common rules for the selection, verification, and synchronization of innovative priorities as well as a single analytical database, organizational support, and expertise, even regions considered strong innovators fail to find their smart specialization.
The article constitutes a part of author’s studies on regions and mental geography of the Russian empire. The military actions within own territory normally produce a dramatic and long impact on the spatial imaginations. The Crimean war with its center in newly incorporated New Russia has helped to include this region to the mental maps as the Russian space. The article shows the new symbolic geography formation. It also analyses the efforts of propaganda aimed at maintaining the imperial durability. A special attention is paid to the state militia. The citizen soldiers – nobles and law classes representatives – had the unique opportunity to visit a number of regions. For the inhabitants of Central Russia the border with Little Russia was essential. The perception of Jews has demonstrated xenophobia long before pogroms. Although the authorities had enough reasons to be afraid of separatism, the final conclusion was that the imperial construction is rather healthy. As a result of such a conclusion an elaboration of this construction hasn’t become a part of common program of reforms in Russia. The author used unpublished documents, in particular those preserved in Kiev. The article is a part of the most significant recent international project on the Crimean war. The English translation of the article is published in USA.
In recent years, a new market trading in cryptocurrencies and instruments based on them has been fo rmed. The market of This paper The goal of the study is to analyze the degree of differentiation of the Arctic regions of Russia by the key indicators of socioe conomic development, dependence of their economic development on the raw materials industries, which should be accounted to shape an efficient regional policy by the state and achieve the strategic goals for the reclamation and development of the Russian Arctic zone. The methodology of the study is based on a systematic approach to assessing the socioeconomic and sectoral differentiation of the Arctic regions of Russia. A set of general scientific and special research methods was used. The conducted analysis indicates that all the Arctic regions under study have a narrow raw materials nature of the economy, the sectoral structure is poorly differentiated. The policy of equalizing the per capita income and the cost of living in the Arctic regions with other regions of Russia largely determined the outflo w of population from the northern regions. The state regional policy in relation to the Arctic regions should take into account their heterogeneity in order to achieve the results outlined in the strategic documents
Several approaches to the concept of fatherhood present in Western sociological tradition are analyzed and compared: biological determinism, social constructivism and biosocial theory. The problematics of fatherhood and men’s parental practices is marginalized in modern Russian social research devoted to family and this fact makes the traditional inequality in family relations, when the father’s role is considered secondary compared to that of mother, even stronger. However, in Western critical men’s studies several stages can be outlined: the development of “sex roles” paradigm (biological determinism), the emergence of the hegemonic masculinity concept, inter-disciplinary stage (biosocial theory). According to the approach of biological determinism, the role of a father is that of the patriarch, he continues the family line and serves as a model for his ascendants. Social constructivism looks into man’s functions in the family from the point of view of masculine pressure and establishing hegemony over a woman and children. Biosocial theory aims to unite the biological determinacy of fatherhood with social, cultural and personal context. It is shown that these approaches are directly connected with the level of the society development, marriage and family perceptions, the level of egality of gender order.