Russian Science Diplomacy
The mode, general understanding, and practices of science diplomacy revolve around a country’s history, the formation of its scientific institutions, the specifics of its foreign policy approaches, and its diplomatic practices. The nexus between science and diplomacy gives various results but ultimately are predetermined by individual creativity, community values, and state interests and support. The core element of diplomatic interactions between nations relies on their historical and contemporary backgrounds. Understanding phenomena of science diplomacy and their implementing practices helps to promote a state’s power and influence on both national and international levels to secure and promote its foreign policy.
The first volume involves the Russian Federation as a common denominator with either Norway (oldest multilateral region in the Arctic) or the United States (sharing with Russia the longest maritime boundary in the world) to interpret changes with connected biophysical and socio-economic systems that underscore decisions across a “continuum of urgencies” from security to sustainability time scales. The second and third volumes will emerge from presentations during the annual Arctic Frontiers Conferences in Tromsø, Norway, starting in January 2020. Volume 2 will consider circumstances associated with areas beyond sovereign jurisdictions from Arctic and non-Arctic perspectives, recognizing the international community has unambiguous rights and responsibilities in the Arctic High Seas under the law of the sea. Volume 3 is intended to synthesize insights on a pan-Arctic scale, analogous to the world ocean across all sea zones, involving decisions to achieve ongoing progress with sustainability, coupling governance mechanisms and built infrastructure. Throughout this book series, which we expect to expand beyond the Arctic, science diplomacy will be applied as an international, interdisciplinary, and inclusive (holistic) process, facilitating informed decisionmaking to balance national interests and common interests for the benefit of all on Earth across generations. With holistic integration, this book series will reveal skills, methods, and theory of informed decisionmaking that will continue to evolve, contributing to balance, resilience, and stability that underlie progress with sustainability across our home planet.
The article examines the prospects of the ongoing transformation of the Chinese foreign policy and possible outcomes of that transformation for Russia. The author argues that that China is at the early stage of building a new Sino-centric system of international relations first in the East Asia and later globally. While partnership with Russia is and will remain essential for the Chinese foreign policy strategy, at some point Russia will have to make a difficult decision about its vision of the future global order.
Eurasia has never been one of major directions of Japan’s foreign policy, but its importance for Tokyo is growing. This article analyzes its increasing significance to foreign policy of Japan, causes and consequences of this policy’s duality and inconsistency. It also studies the reasons for the limited success of Tokyo’s diplomacy in Eurasia and discusses possible prospects for growing Japanese involvement in the region. It concludes that Japan’s Eurasian policy is inconsistent and is likely to remain so since the cause behind it remains unchanged – that is, the contradiction between Japan’s actual economic interests and its willingness to follow in the ideological and geopolitical footsteps of the U.S. The path Japan takes in the future will largely depend on the economic results of the implementation of the Silk Road Economic Belt, its linkage with the plans of the Eurasian Economic Union, the progress of Russian–Chinese cooperation, and the project of Greater Eurasian partnership put forward by Russia and supported by China. If the economic projects of Eurasia’s non-Western players prove effective, Tokyo will be more tempted to cooperate with them despite its close ties with the U.S. However, if Eurasia’s non-Western states, and particularly China, are overly active with their foreign policy and militaries in the Asia Pacific, it will push Tokyo to create a variety of structures that would curb and serve as a political counterbalance to Chinese and Russian influence.
After the Ukrainian crisis and Russia’s actions in Crimea and Donbass, there is a growing lack of understanding about Russian interests in the post-Soviet space. Russian authorities have been accused of having a desire to expand its territory, trying to re-Sovietise the region, and using neo-imperial approaches of doing business with its neighbours. However, the genesis of Russian strategy towards post-Soviet space is much more complicated. It is based on the country’s long-term interests, such as economic cooperation, security, regional stability, cultural contacts, and preservation of historical influence. Studying these interests and their contribution to the foreign policy helps us better understand Russia’s strategy in the European post-Soviet countries.
A complete classification of symmetric sets of choice functions with the Arrow property is obtained.
This book offers a comparative analysis of value and identity changes in several post-Communist countries. In light of the tremendous economic, social and political changes in former communist states, the authors compare the values, attitudes and identities of different generations and cultural groups. Based on extensive empirical data, using quantitative and qualitative methods to study complex social identities, this book examines how intergenerational value and identity changes are linked to socio-economic and political development. Topics include the rise of nationalist sentiments, identity formation of ethnic and religious groups and minorities, youth identity formation and intergenerational value conflicts
2nd edition of the first volume of "Capital" by K. Marx, dedicated to the 150th anniversary of the publication.
Background In 2008, £30 million was invested by UK Government in the Healthy Towns (HT) Programme in England. Nine urban areas were selected to develop and implement interventions to tackle the obesogenic environment. These involved multi-sector approaches to promoting physical activity and improve diet through the use of environmental interventions. In this paper, we explore how stakeholders conceptualised and defined programme outcomes in relation to national and local priorities, and across multiple policy sectors.
Methods We undertook semi-structured, face-to-face interviews with 65 HT staff (programme leads, intervention managers and staff) in 2010–2011. Interviews lasted 50 to 110 minutes and were digitally recorded, anonymised and transcribed verbatim. Participants were asked about: the main outcomes and benefits of the HT programme, and links and synergies with other policy areas. Thematic analysis was undertaken; three authors developed and discussed the coding framework, coding outputs and agreed the resultant main themes.
Results Programme staff conceptualised outcomes as extending beyond obesity-related behaviours and identified multiple, complementary policy areas that they were attempting to address through the initiative. Four broad categories of outcomes were articulated:  direct obesity-related outcomes (healthy diet, physical activity);  indirect obesity-related outcomes (obesity awareness, infrastructure provision);  wider health-related outcomes (air quality, social capital);  non-health outcomes (environmental sustainability, monetary savings). Stakeholders emphasised the interrelatedness of these four categories of outcomes. For example, tackling obesity, improving transport planning and air quality could all be addressed using active travel interventions; tackling obesity, enhancing social capital and promoting environmental sustainability could be addressed using ‘growing food’ interventions. Furthermore, obesity and non-obesity agendas were seen as complementary in terms of delivery of their respective outcomes.
Discussion The range and number of outcomes identified may have been both a consequence of the multi-sector, holistic approach taken by HT programme and the ‘on the ground’ reality of implementing complex interventions, whose components touch a wide variety of policy sectors. When planning programmes and their evaluation, consideration of the impact on outcomes that extend beyond the focus of a particular programme could also be beneficial. In the HT programme, policy makers and practitioners believed that delivered interventions could address a range of complementary policy areas, which were all equally important. Taking such a ‘joined-up’ perspective could help increase the efficiency and acceptability of social, environmental, and health policies and interventions.
Abstract Most studies have shown that when men have higher levels of education they are less likely to beat their wives. Some have also shown that consumption of alcohol tends to be a negative catalyst in provoking inebriated males to commit domestic violence against their intimate partners. Thus, understanding the likely causes and/or associated factors of intimate partner violence with ever more concentrated studies is imperative. Studies in the past have not examined four possible categories of husbands to determine a correlation to intimate partner violence: those that are educated and tend to be alcoholics, those that are educated and tend not to drink alcohol, less-educated individuals who tend to be alcoholics, or those that are less educated and tend to not to be alcoholics. Employing the Demographic and Health Survey data for Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, this study has shown the likelihood of each category of husband to perpetrate domestic violence on intimate female parnters in Nigeria, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan using the multivariate logistic regression at a 95% confidence interval. From the research it has been found that a husband’s educational level in and of itself offers no significant correlation to IPV perpetration in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, whereas in Nigeria, educated men were a little more likely to perpetrate IPV compared to men with less education as seen in the following: AOR 1.14, CI 1.02- 1.27; p-value < 0.001. In all, alcoholic men were at least 3 times more likely to commit IPV than nonalcoholic men as suggested in the formula of: CI 3.08-5.56; p-value < 0.001. In Nigeria, men with little or no education, who lived in rural areas and were non-alcoholics were less likely to perpetrate IPV compared to their counterparts in urban areas as suggested by AOR 0.75, CI 0.61-0.93; p-value < 0.01, while alcoholic men with little or no education, who lived in rural areas, showed the strongest proclivity to beat their wives as suggested in AOR 4.37, CI 3.5-5.42; p-value < 0.001. Alcohol seems to outweight the effects of education as an instigator of domestic violence. Its introduction consistently increases the likelihood of IPV and strengthens its statistical significance across sites.
Keywords: Intimate partner violence; husband; education; alcohol; Nigeria; Kyrgyzstan; Tajikistan