Выборы в верховный совет СССР 1946 года в Молотовской области как пример мобилизационной политической кампании
The article deals with the 1946 elections as a form of Stalin's political campaigns. Scenario of mobilization and repressive political campaigns was the same after the war. The first postwar elections to the Supreme Soviet had a ritual character and developed the tactics of mass mobilization in support of government’s initiatives. In the first stage of the campaign, the authorities published a directive article and a series of articles in central and local press; during the second phase, the agitators and members of election commissions were prepared to the elections; the third stage wasaimed at initiating activity of the people; in the fourth phase, the aims of the campaign were implemented when the election day was turned into a national holiday. After that, the government presented the public summary of the event. People reacted to the campaign in different ways. Based on the response, the author highlights four groups of the population: “the activists’ who supported the authorities completely and were actively involved in the campaign; “the activists from self-interest” who participated in the campaign for their own profit, believing it would help them to solve everyday problems; “the deviators” who avoided participation in the elections and expressed negative attitudes towards the elections in a hidden or open form; and “the conformists” who came to the electoral districts and voted as it was supposed to, but without showing their activity.
The article is dedicated to analysis and comparison of arrangement and socio-political function of democratic and republican parties of the USA. The main stress is made on ideological vectors of both parties and also on the role of geographical position and interests of the USA population which influence forming of the political platforms of the parties. The main goal of the article is to demonstrate the growth of polarization of American society closely associated with the growth of parties' emphasis on target audience and differences in financial policy.
This work looks at a model of spatial election competition with two candidates who can spend effort in order to increase their popularity through advertisement. It is shown that under certain condition the political programs of the candidates will be different. The work derives the comparative statics of equilibrium policy platform and campaign spending with respect the distribution of voter policy preferences and the proportionality of the electoral system. In particular, it is whown that the equilibrium does not exist if the policy preferences are distributed over too narrow an interval.
This volume brings together twenty four articles by eminent historians from around Europe, presented in form of papers at the international conference on the Crimean War (1853-1856) held in Warsaw in 2007.
Game-theoretic model of election to a corporate board of directors is proposed. It is shown that the equilibrium distribution of seats is unique. The uniqueness guarantees nonmanipulability of elections. The distribution is obtained by the d’Hondt method of seats distribution in proportional representation problem. The model is tested on real data from a Russian company.
The First World War became a watershed in the European and world history. 100 years after the outbreak of the Great War historians continue to debate a role of this milestone event in the development of European civilization. The authors of the monograph try to make their own contribution to this discussion.
Designated for historians and for all those interested in the history of early twentieth-century Europe and Russia.
This book is the essential guide for understanding how state power and politics are contested and exercised on social media. It brings together contributions by social media scholars who explore the connection of social media with revolutions, uprising, protests, power and counter-power, hacktivism, the state, policing and surveillance. It shows how collective action and state power are related and conflict as two dialectical sides of social media power, and how power and counter-power are distributed in this dialectic. Theoretically focused and empirically rigorous research considers the two-sided contradictory nature of power in relation to social media and politics. Chapters cover social media in the context of phenomena such as contemporary revolutions in Egypt and other countries, populism 2.0, anti-austerity protests, the fascist movement in Greece's crisis, Anonymous and police surveillance.
In the article are : the social bases of power as a nation, the nation, the elite, the elemental forces of the political market. It is noted that the idealistic view on social grounds authorities do not correspond to modern realities. Long enough described expenses provisions on the management Board of the nation. It is proposed to consider the rationalist approach in the determination of the constitutions of the social bases of power. The examples of the constitutions of a number of foreign States, in which the provisions of popular sovereignty is not understood completely. Russia proposes changing approaches to understanding the essence of popular sovereignty and representative government.