As the Ukrainian Crisis shows both political regimes and national borders in Eurasia are still in a state of flux. Bringing together literatures on the external influences of democratization, the post-Soviet space and support for autocracy Autocratic and Democratic External influences in Post-Soviet Eurasia provides a comprehensive overview of the interaction of domestic and international politics during times of regime transition. Demonstrating the interplay of these forces the book explores the rich variation in motives and channels of autocratic and democratic influences. International scholars consider two channels of external influence on regime transition; the role of supranational organizations established by non-democracies and the role of non-governmental organizations and through a set of carefully chosen case studies offer a new theoretical discussion on the phenomenon of multi-level regime transition.
Dynamics of Political Violence examines how violence emerges and develops from episodes of contentious politics. By considering a wide range of empirical cases, such as anarchist movements, ethno-nationalist and left-wing militancy in Europe, contemporary Islamist violence, and insurgencies in South Africa and Latin America, this pathbreaking volume of research identifies the forces that shape radicalization and violent escalation. It also contributes to the process-and-mechanism-based models of contentious politics that have been developing over the past decade in both sociology and political science. Chapters of original research emphasize how the processes of radicalization and violence are open-ended, interactive, and context dependent. They offer detailed empirical accounts as well as comprehensive and systematic analyses of the dynamics leading to violent episodes. Specifically, the chapters converge around four dynamic processes that are shown to be especially germane to radicalization and violence: dynamics of movement-state interaction; dynamics of intra-movement competition; dynamics of meaning formation and transformation; and dynamics of diffusion.
Today's world is crowded with international laws and institutions that govern the global economy. This post-World War II accumulation of hard multilateral and soft plurilateral institutions by no means constitutes a comprehensive, coherent and effective system of global economic governance. As intensifying globalization thrusts many longstanding domestic issues onto the international stage, there is a growing need to create at the global level the more comprehensive, coherent and effective governance system that citizens have long taken for granted at home.
This book offers the first comprehensive look at this critical question of international relations. It examines how, and how well, the multilateral organizations and the G8 are dealing with the central challenges facing the contemporary international community, how they have worked well and poorly together, and how they can work together more effectively to provide badly needed public goods. It is an ideal reference guide for anyone interested in institutions of global governance.
В данной книге международная группа экспертов в области права, политологии, экономики и истории анализирует динамику развития ЕС как коллективного члена «Группы 8» и «Группы 20». В статьях книги исследуются факторы, определяющие ход процесса вовлечения ЕС в деятельность данных институтов и возможные пути их реформирования в будущем.
This volume explores the G8/G20 summits’ performance, their comparative strengths and limitations, the division of labour and relationship between them as it is emerging over the period of their co-existence, and how the future G8-G20 partnership can be improved to the benefit of both bodies, the prosperity and well-being of their citizens, and the sustainable and balanced growth of the world economy as a whole.
It presents the results of a collaborative research program of the International Organisations Research Institute of the National Research University Higher School of Economics and the G8 Research Group and G20 Research Group at the University of Toronto. It thus combines the talents of two research teams that have worked together for many years on the analytic and empirical components essential to accomplish the task in this book). The first team, led by Marina Larionova at the National Research University-Higher School of Economics in Moscow includes her scholarly colleagues, researchers, and practitioners in Russia and beyond, in the person of Dr. Vadim Lukov, Ambassador-at-Large of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Coordinator for G20 and BRICS Affairs and Zia Qureshi of the World Bank. The second team, led by John Kirton at the University of Toronto, includes his colleagues at Toronto and Dries Lesage from University of Ghent in Europe. This combination has facilitated the task of producing a cumulative, coherent work.
Most of the chapters were initially presented as papers and research reports and discussed at an international research workshop “Partnership for Progress. From the 2010 Muskoka-Toronto Summits to Seoul Summit,” organized by the International Organisations Research Institute (IORI) of the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) with support from Oxfam and the Department for International Development of the United Kingdom. The workshop led to a refined analysis and to recommendations on the G8 and G20 future coexistence and their engagement with other multilateral institutions. Initial drafts of the chapters on accountability by John Kirton and Marina Larionova were presented at a conference on global governance at Princeton University. The full set of HSE workshop papers, and initial drafts of many of the chapters in this volume, were published as a special edition of the International Organisations Research Journal, on the theme of “G-x Summitry,” in December 2010. These initial analysis were subsequently extensively developed, updated, and expanded to take full account of the subsequent summits of the G8 and G20 in 2011, 2012, 2013, the work of other international institutions, and new trends in G8-G20 summitry. They were further enriched by collectively held workshops involving most of the authors in Paris, Mexico City, Belfast and Moscow during this time.
By the end of the 2000s Russia had become an increasingly authoritarian state, which was characterised by the following features: outrageously unfair and fraudulent elections, the existence of weak and impotent political parties, a heavily censored (often self-censored) media, weak rubber-stamping legislatures at the national and sub-national levels, politically subordinated courts, the arbitrary use of the economic powers of the state, and widespread corruption. However, this picture would be incomplete without taking into account the sub-national dimension of these subversive institutions and practices across the regions of the Russian Federation. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, sub-national political developments in Russia became highly diversified and the political map of Russia’s regions became multi-faceted. The period of 2000s demonstrated a drive on the part of the Kremlin to re-centralise politics and governance to the demise of newly-emerging democratic institutions at both the national and sub-national levels. Yet, federalism and regionalism remain key elements of the research agenda in Russian politics, and the overall political map of Russia’s regions is far from being monotonic. Rather, it is similar to a complex multi-piece puzzle, which can only be put together through skilful crafting. The 12 chapters in this collection are oriented towards the generation of more theoretically and empirically solid inferences and provide critical evaluations of the multiple deficiencies in Russia’s sub-national authoritarianism, including: principal-agent problems in the relations between the layers of the ‘power vertical’, unresolved issues of regime legitimacy that have resulted from manipulative electoral practices, and the inefficient performance of regional and local governments. The volume brings together a team of international experts on Russian regional politics which includes top scholars from Britain, Canada, Russia and the USA.
The modernization of Russian society and the transition to a market economy has changed the nature of the problems of social development and employment in different regions of Russia. Regional differences are generated by various factors. Some of these are the result of economic activity, including the free market and free competition. Others are tied in with a series of cultural and ethnic problems, such as some groups being drawn more towards a European culture, while others are drawn to the Asiatic culture. This may help or hinder the regions ability to cope with the modernization of Russia. This is a presentation of the results of a study on work and welfare in Russia, that began in December 1994. The study covers many topics such as poverty, employment or lack of, education, gender, and food consumption, in three areas of Russia: Moscow, St Petersburg and Voronezh.