Russia’s Changing Economic and Political Regimes: The Putin Years and Afterwards
The book reveals the interconnection between social, cultural and political protest movements and social and economic changes in a post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic rulers and "oligarchs" controlling all basic industries and mining activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia’s foreign policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many Russian citizens.
The capter is dedicated to the description of the fragmentation of the Russian media-based public sphere, in particular - to the dymanics of media use of the participants of the 'For fair elections' political protest movement in Russia of 2011-2012. Authors counclude that: 1) socio-economic divisions in today's Russia are mirrored in the media use patterns; 2) traditional textocentricism of Russian intelligentsia shows up and shapes media preferences and opinion leading: 3) changes in political behavior online (weakly) correlates with differences in online media use patterns; 4) a nation-wide public counter-sphere has formed in the Russian big cities. A prediction is made that fragmentation of the Russian public sphere will be deepening.
This paper presents an analysis of corruption in Russia and its interrelations with the country’s economic and political regime - primarily in the post-soviet period.
According to the recent theories of urban management there are the following types of city political regimes: pluralistic, federalist, enterprising, progressive middle class. Growing interest to this approach abroad inspires to use it in relation to nowadays Russia.
The article is devoted to the problem of emerging knowledge economy in modern Russia. The author argues that knowledge economy can exist only under conditions of favorable institutions. It is first about institute of property which is unspecified in Russia. It means that property rights arent well-defined. The shaping of such kind of institutional framework is the result of contradictory political and economical development. The author assumes that institute of property was framed by interaction between key political and economical decision-makers. For a long period of time there werent any actors interested in the effective regime of property. Thus for today the problem of creation knowledge economy in Russia is mainly political then economical problem.
A collection of articles on contemprorary Russia by Russian authors; the book is organized in three parts: Part 1: Political Economy, Political Geography and the Politics of Federalism; Part 2: Regime, Ideology, Public Opinion and Legitimacy; Part 3: Civil Society: Defeat and Radicalization?
New political, social and cultural reality in the first five years since the collapse of the Soviet Union.
This article is about alternative strategies of constitutional transformation in the period of elaboration of the Russian Constitution of 1993. The author analyses historical origins of basic constitutional principles such as parliament democracy, separation of powers and different forms of government and their interpretation during political crisis of the period under consideration.
In this article. the author tries to argue about how you can consider Soviet culture monolithic and not suggesting for the artist and the intellectual for any deviations from the official line.
It would seem that the totalitarian regime creates all the condition for eliminating the independent search for the individual style, nevertheless, in the depths of a totalitarian culture, resistance practice may appear.
The author gives a number of examples of such resistance in Soviet culture.
The paper examines the structure, governance, and balance sheets of state-controlled banks in Russia, which accounted for over 55 percent of the total assets in the country's banking system in early 2012. The author offers a credible estimate of the size of the country's state banking sector by including banks that are indirectly owned by public organizations. Contrary to some predictions based on the theoretical literature on economic transition, he explains the relatively high profitability and efficiency of Russian state-controlled banks by pointing to their competitive position in such functions as acquisition and disposal of assets on behalf of the government. Also suggested in the paper is a different way of looking at market concentration in Russia (by consolidating the market shares of core state-controlled banks), which produces a picture of a more concentrated market than officially reported. Lastly, one of the author's interesting conclusions is that China provides a better benchmark than the formerly centrally planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe by which to assess the viability of state ownership of banks in Russia and to evaluate the country's banking sector.
The results of cross-cultural research of implicit theories of innovativeness among students and teachers, representatives of three ethnocultural groups: Russians, the people of the North Caucasus (Chechens and Ingushs) and Tuvinians (N=804) are presented. Intergroup differences in implicit theories of innovativeness are revealed: the ‘individual’ theories of innovativeness prevail among Russians and among the students, the ‘social’ theories of innovativeness are more expressed among respondents from the North Caucasus, Tuva and among the teachers. Using the structural equations modeling the universal model of values impact on implicit theories of innovativeness and attitudes towards innovations is constructed. Values of the Openness to changes and individual theories of innovativeness promote the positive relation to innovations. Results of research have shown that implicit theories of innovativeness differ in different cultures, and values make different impact on the attitudes towards innovations and innovative experience in different cultures.