«Прошу разобрать это письмо и устранить односторонние взгляды на рабочих, а иначе я буду вынужден написать в ЦК нашей партии»: письма во власть в послевоенные годы.
The article is devoted to the Soviet phenomenon of «letters to authorities». Three major interpretations of «letters» are presented: 1) as a way to implement the democratic right for participating in state management and right for justice; 2) as an instrument for repressive political campaign; 3) as a significant form of personal identification with authorities. Claims were an important social phenomenon of the Soviet life. The author presents typical and specific claims (on the materials of Perm State Archives of Contemporary History) and ways of dealing with them on the local level. The author analyses the post-war years’ claims, which help to understand the peculiarities of the Soviet everyday life, the rhetoric of the era, and the forms of citizens’ resistance to injustice.
The article deals with the 1946 elections as a form of Stalin's political campaigns. Scenario of mobilization and repressive political campaigns was the same after the war. The first postwar elections to the Supreme Soviet had a ritual character and developed the tactics of mass mobilization in support of government’s initiatives. In the first stage of the campaign, the authorities published a directive article and a series of articles in central and local press; during the second phase, the agitators and members of election commissions were prepared to the elections; the third stage wasaimed at initiating activity of the people; in the fourth phase, the aims of the campaign were implemented when the election day was turned into a national holiday. After that, the government presented the public summary of the event. People reacted to the campaign in different ways. Based on the response, the author highlights four groups of the population: “the activists’ who supported the authorities completely and were actively involved in the campaign; “the activists from self-interest” who participated in the campaign for their own profit, believing it would help them to solve everyday problems; “the deviators” who avoided participation in the elections and expressed negative attitudes towards the elections in a hidden or open form; and “the conformists” who came to the electoral districts and voted as it was supposed to, but without showing their activity.
Topic of the article - part of the Regional (Molotov) print in a political campaign in 1946 political campaign was initiated by the decision of the organ-izing bureau of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) "On the magazines" Zvezda "and" Leningrad ". Actually it started in the regions after the report Zhdanov. The mechanism of the campaign assumed a certain course of events: the publication in major newspapers of the country, republication of all the local newspapers, the discussion at the meetings of party activists, and then in all or-ganizations, the search for similar cases in the territory. And then, these cases could be the reason for the arrest of any person. Main topic of the article - the role of local media in the implementation of the political campaign of 1946. Press play the role of "collective propagandist," "collective agitator" and "collec-tive organizer." People often believe the press more than the actual events and their life experience. According to the materials of newspaper articles is analyzed the process of forming a new power of discourse about literature. Molotov newspaper borrowed the rhetoric of the campaign at once. Molotov regional newspaper "The Star" reprinted editorial "Truth", calling for self-criticism. That's all. Local newspapers have joined separately and with different intensity publications. The newspapers did not have to name any of the local artists who could claim to be the local "Zoschenko." The campaign was an unsystematic character, it is weakly governed from the center. It can be assumed that the initi-ators of the campaign were not interested in expanding the circle of victims, but pursued the ideological goals: to bring to the collective consciousness of the So-viet intelligentsia, a new discourse of power: the pathetic, pathetic, authoritarian, in fact, a new version of the Soviet identity. Local authorities skillfully took ad-vantage of actually closing their territory from unwanted consequences of Mos-cow's beginnings. They have limited political effect of mechanical duplication of the capital campaign rhetoric and duty calls develop criticism and self-criticism. In the next issue of political campaigns has been improved.