Теория nation-building Святослава Каспэ
Until a method is found in Russia for generating a non-Soviet (different from the restoration of the pre-Soviet) central system of values, democratic institutions and practices will remain weak. Moreover, the vectors of movement for post-Soviet polities, which twenty years ago were labeled as a “democratic transition” in a burst of overly audacious hope, will remain forking paths.
The issue of capital city relocation is a topic of debate for more than forty countries around the world. In this first book to discuss the issue, Vadim Rossman offers an in-depth analysis of the subject, highlighting the global trends and the key factors that motivate different countries to consider such projects, analyzing the outcomes and drawing lessons from recent capital city transfers worldwide for governments and policy-makers.
From the beginning of state-building in North Korea, its ideology has always been developed in line with the theory of Korean revolution. Initially, the conception of the Korean revolution was based on the main postulates of the Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution, implying its development changed from a bourgeois-democratic stage to a socialist one. Regarding North Korea, after its liberation from Japanese colonialism, this conception meant a gradual transition from anti-imperialism to the anti-feudal democratic revolution and then to the current socialist regime. For the implementation of the first stage of the Korean revolution in 1946, a series of laws were adopted, which provided a solid basis for socialist transformations in North Korea. Officially, the anti-feudal democratic revolution completed in 1947 with the establishment of the People's Committee of North Korea; however, this began a transitive period that lasted until 1957. Thus, until the present time, the idea of the Korean revolution has been an essential structure of political discourse and has determined the current tasks of nation-building. During the first and transitive stages of the Korean revolution, liquidation of socioeconomic and political inequality, including gender discrimination, was one of the main tasks of state-building. The liberation of women was understood in terms of the theory of class struggle and exploitation and implied granting women equal civil rights and freedom. Korean women were seen as a significant labor source, whose mobilization could significantly contribute to the establishment of socialism. The gender policy in 1945-1957 was mainly aimed at wakening the political conscience of women and their involvement in industrial production. Hence, the new sociopolitical regime and its policies influenced the transformation of traditional femininity and masculinity, which was primarily determined by the dominant neo-Confucian ideology. This study attempts to answer questions regarding how the theory of Korean revolution has impacted gender politics and to what extent North Korea could break with the traditional image of femininity.
A comparative study of the course of development of Ukraine and Belorussia can contribute greatly to understanding the regularities of historical evolution of the Eastern part of Europe, in particular to the alternatives of nation-building. It’s necessary to consider Ukrainian-Belorussian parallels in the regional context, taking into account the influence of various factors. Comparative approach is also fruitful in researching the past and present state of historical science of the two neighboring countries.
The January uprising, 1863-1864 was estimated by its contemporaries as a turning point not only in the Polish history and Russian-Polish relations, but also in the fate of the Russian Empire and nation-building. Though Russian evaluations varied dramatically depending on political and ideological preferences of conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries, they had some common features. In Soviet period many old approaches to the history of uprising were forgotten, it was examining in the narrow framework of formational and class paradigm and progressive international revolutionary cooperation. In post-Soviet period transformation of theoretical basis of historical studies in spirit of pluralism was accompanied by rebirth of the old approaches with both positive and negative consequences.
The durability of authoritarianism in Belarus is an anomaly by world standards. Various studies have noted that Belarus’s regime has significantly exceeded the average lifespan of comparable authoritarian regime types elsewhere around the globe. In July 2014, the Belarusian political regime had outlived the average comparable political regime by between 1 and 17 years, depending on the definition of such regimes.1 This stability is particularly puzzling in the regional post-communist context, where electoral protests toppled authoritarian incumbents in Slovakia, Croatia, Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan (see Bunce and Wolchik, 2011; Hale, 2015).2 Belarus too has experienced conditions apparently advantageous for democratization, including an opposition that has tried to imitate successful mobilization strategies from other countries, popular support for democracy, a relatively high level of economic development, a skilled workforce and geographical proximity to Europe. Despite circumstances similar to those in countries that have overthrown authoritarian regimes, Belarus’ trajectory has diverged from that taken in Ukraine (Burant, 1995; Kuzio and Nordberg, 1999; Korosteleva, 2004; Way, 2010).
The post-Soviet period in Russia has seen the emergence of strong identities shaped around ethnicity issues. The current Putin presidency is marked by a political concern for the 'national question' with strong traditionalist connotations. State dominated politics of identity promoting an encompassing Russian (rossiyskaya) identity aim to become a game changer in nation-building. This agenda has to take in different repertioires of contention, and bridging cleavages within Russian society is not only and primarily a question of elite-tailored politics of identity. It is about the assertion of inclusive identities innate both to the cultural tradition and to the needs of a community confronting modernization challenges.
The contentious politics paradigm provides a general framework for assessing conflict potential in transforming institutional environments that goes beyond institutionalism. However, the territorial dimension of ethnicity historically rooted in Russia and the complex nature of nationalism call for additional theoretical framing. The paper explores the interaction of policy and identity factors to assess the resource capacities of politics of identity for promoting nation-building in a multiethnic society. It uses research and expert sources, poll data and personal expert experience to contribute to 'upgrading' theoretical approaches and public discourse on the future of the Russian nation.
Students' internet usage attracts the attention of many researchers in different countries. Differences in internet penetration in diverse countries lead us to ask about the interaction of medium and culture in this process. In this paper we present an analysis based on a sample of 825 students from 18 Russian universities and discuss findings on particularities of students' ICT usage. On the background of the findings of the study, based on data collected in 2008-2009 year during a project "A сross-cultural study of the new learning culture formation in Germany and Russia", we discuss the problem of plagiarism in Russia, the availability of ICT features in Russian universities and an evaluation of the attractiveness of different categories of ICT usage and gender specifics in the use of ICT.
The results of cross-cultural research of implicit theories of innovativeness among students and teachers, representatives of three ethnocultural groups: Russians, the people of the North Caucasus (Chechens and Ingushs) and Tuvinians (N=804) are presented. Intergroup differences in implicit theories of innovativeness are revealed: the ‘individual’ theories of innovativeness prevail among Russians and among the students, the ‘social’ theories of innovativeness are more expressed among respondents from the North Caucasus, Tuva and among the teachers. Using the structural equations modeling the universal model of values impact on implicit theories of innovativeness and attitudes towards innovations is constructed. Values of the Openness to changes and individual theories of innovativeness promote the positive relation to innovations. Results of research have shown that implicit theories of innovativeness differ in different cultures, and values make different impact on the attitudes towards innovations and innovative experience in different cultures.