The article is devoted to the analysis of the discursive practices of Armenian nationalism that were used in media during the acute political crisis caused by the terroristic attack of Sasna Tsrer armed group in July 2016. 316 messages from Armenian mass media were analysed in order to define the groups of speakers (“coalitions”) who used one of three major discursive strategies of representation of Sasna Tsrer: 1) approval, 2) justification or 3) condemnation. The composition and structure of each coalition was examined by mapping the social ties of speakers. The “condemnation coalition” mainly consisted of high-ranked state bureaucrats and members of the ruling parliamentary coalition, while the “approval coalition” mostly included liberal and nationalistic political parties and NGO representatives, Armenian diaspora members, influential performing artists and some Nagorno-Karabakh war veterans. Quantitative analysis showed that it was the “approval coalition” that dominated in the media discourse, while the condemnation strategy was marginalized. In R. Brubaker’s terms, interpretative battle for the denomination and definition of the armed group’s actions was lost by the ruling Armenian elites. Two competing interpretative frames clashed in the discourses on Sasna Tsrer. One of them is the statist frame (connected to condemnation strategy) and the other is counter-statist (connected to the strategy of approval). These two frames directly correspond to the two types of nationalist doctrines and movements, outlined by R. Brubaker, – the state-framed and the counter-state ones. Paradoxically in the studied case both types of nationalism appeal to the same nation, the Armenian one. It was B. Anderson who also noticed the ambivalent nature of nationalism, as it can be both a revolutionary force and a stabilizing one, but in the Armenian case this ambivalence is accompanied by a specific constellation of different types of capital (by P. Bourdieu). The analysis of the discourse of Sasna Tsrer shows that those who hold political and economic capital fail to convert it to symbolic capital, because of the weakness of the etatist frame on nation. At the same time the symbolic capital holders who position themselves discursively through the counter-etatist frame are deprived of political and economic capital.
The article is a reflection on the paper of T.A. Alexeyeva (The Debates about “Great Debates.” How to Structure the Theory of International Relations –Polis. Political Studies. 2016. No. 6. P. 9-21 (In Russ)). The questions raised by T.A. Alekseeva help to understand the origins of ideological and methodological crisis in international relations theory (IRT), which began 25-30 years ago, and has not been overcome until now. The authors emphasize that T.A. Alekseeva, standing on the position of social constructivism, shifts the discussion of the “Great Debates” to the sphere of discourse analysis in the framework of the IRT. Authors agreed with T.A. Alexeyeva in some conclusions: there are different points of view on the periodization and the content of the debate; the debate was sometimes held with some generalized set of ideas, rather than with specific scientists; the use of the “Great Debates” for the periodization of the evolution of IRT does not fully cover the diversity observed in its evolution. At the same time, the authors objected to the statement of T.A. Alekseeva, that the “Great Debates” are just a myth or some kind of half-truth, which reflects some aspects of corresponding discourse. The authors suggest a counter-statement by elaborating their own position in the questions of the IRT history and its evolution as a discipline, according to which the utility of constructivist approach is put into question.
The article presents comprehensive analysis of the recentralization policy started in 2000 by V.Putin's administration and directed at the restoration of the federal power organs' control over the key levers of administering the country. On thoroughly analyzing the sources and the concrete content of this policy, the author qualifies it as Soviet solution of post-Soviet problems. According to his conclusion, the transfor- mation of the course of recentralization into new centralism was conditioned, on the one hand, by the removal of competition of federal elites and by the Center's monopoly of working out and adopting political decisions and, on the other, by normative ideals and political ideas of the country's leaders, and as long as these conditions remain valid, it is hardly reasonable to expect radical change of the political course chosen by the Kremlin.
The article presents an empirical study conducted on the material of the Russian language segment of Change.org in the theoretical field of digital political participation and in the case of slacktivism to clarify e-petitions contribution to changes in public life. The purpose of the study is to present thematic dominants in federal districts at the levels of petitioning and support by online voting.
22452 Change.org petitions from 2012 to 2017 were extracted and analysed with the Python software (Lxml, Requests and Re libraries). The territory of their creation was marked as well. 918 petitions identified by the author as ‘executed’ were taken for the analysis by region. Both text databases underwent the open coding technique using the AntConc and TopicMiner software and descriptive statistics tools, i.e. cluster analysis (SPSS Statistics 22).
As a result, three groups of territories were identified. In the first group, the government and business are ready to solve a wide range of issues in the region and they are responding to the requests; in the second group, they respond only to the survival problems; in the third group of territories, they feel the safest, helping animals and ignoring other demands.
The study suggests ‘an offline effect’ of online petitions where the themes are an integrative indicator: they reflect the needs of the population of a given territory, indicate the recognition of the problem as worth solving and show what problems the regional authorities or business are ready to tackle without significant public pressure.
Civil control is a key mechanism of counteracting and suppressing corruption and represents one of the main functions of civil society. The first phase of civil control consists in systematic monitoring of decisions and actions of public power organs and of their functionaries; the second phase - in social expert examination of such decisions and actions; and the final phase - in public presentation of the results of the said expert examination to the authorities and society. In the working of the civil control mechanism, the function of the driving belt is realized by mass media.
The paper outlines a link between two theoretical perspectives on the prerequisites of high institutional quality and long run growth. One framework is based on the trade-off between disorder and dictatorship and introduces the notion of the institutional possibility frontier (IPF). The idea of IPF implies that social institutions can be situated on the continuum between two extrema of dictatorship and disorder; each point on the continuum has an associated level of social losses. It is implied that the dictatorship-disorder trade-off is more severe in some societies than in others. The other theoretical perspective focuses upon the role of total factor productivity (TFP) as a parameter underlying long run growth (TFP can be represented as a parameter A in the Cobb-Douglas function). It is possible to associate different social groups with different productivity factors in the Cobb-Douglas function and, further, with different institutional preferences on the dictatorship-disorder continuum. As a result, the linkage between TFP and IPF emerges and the effects of TFP can be interpreted in the framework of the IPF theory. The formalization of the linkage between two theoretical perspectives is presented in outline and it is shown that high TFP can mitigate the trade-off between dictatorship and disorder. The second part of the paper contains a tentative empirical analysis of the link between TFP and major institutional characteristics. It is demonstrated that this link is present and has from medium to high strength. An interesting innovation concerns the method of estimating TFP. By and large, the paper sheds some light on the nature of TFP and designates directions for further research on the fundamental conditions for high-quality development.