Южная Корея в поисках собственной теории международных отношений
Although a general task of social science is to measure and predict change, international relations (IR) paradigms and theories have been unable to keep up with the rapid pace and destabilizing effects of change in international politics. When addressing Russia, IR’s “change problem” becomes clearer: the world’s largest country is treated as an object struggling to adjust to changes rather than a protagonist introducing them into the system. Yet, twice within the last quarter century, Russia has acted as a catalyst for changes in international politics that few saw coming and which confounded IR paradigms. The Soviet leadership’s decision to withdraw from the Cold War standoff and dismantle its empire in Eastern Europe was one of the most surprising events of the twentieth century. Russia’s interventions in Ukraine, Syria, and the 2016 US presidential elections have similarly caught most observers by surprise. IR theories have struggled to account for these actions and have not been able to integrate Soviet/Russian behavior into their larger understanding of change in international politics. Our underlying premise is to treat Russia (in both its Soviet and present-day incarnations) seriously as an agent of transformational change in international politics. Most theories that deal with transformational change focus on the effects of larger social and economic forces. However, change is seldom a smooth, linear process. Larger global forces may be operating, but individual agents catalyze changes produced by these deeper historical forces. What is needed to understand Russian foreign policy decision making is an evolutionary theory of change that is able to integrate historical (root) causes of change with proximate and contingent ones. In both cases examined in this paper, larger historical root causes push the international system toward change, but Russia’s status aspirations and status dissatisfaction have been the proximate causes catalyzing change.
How will the shift in the distribution of power in the international system impact international order and stability, including the relations among the US and rising powers on hard security issues? How will it impact the ability of the US and the new power centers to cooperate among themselves and address questions of global governance? Will the increasingly complex relationship between the US and the other great powers affect their will and capacity to cooperate on transnational threats and challenges?
There is a long tradition of thinking about these problems in the field of International Relations. While realist theories focus on the power structure of the international system and the implications of its shifts on stability and order, they usually omit globalization-driven determinants of interstate, including great power, behavior, including transnational threats and challenges. By contrast, the liberal tradition favors the latter and discusses cooperation for the sake of the “common good” and “global public goods”, while usually downplaying the role of power and changes to the distribution of power. Constructivist approaches criticize the “rationalist” approach adopted by realists and liberals and instead focus on the impact that ideas, perceptions and identities have on state behavior. However it is unclear where exactly constructivist fall in this debate. Some believe that the experience of participation in international institutions will socialize leaders of rising powers and get them to adopt norms of compromise and cooperation. Others however, point to the resilience of nationalist identities which may make conflict more likely and also note that experience of rivalry and conflict may perpetuate competitive and zero sum thinking.
The present article will present a brief overview of these theoretical approaches. It is intended to serve as theoretical introduction to the articles in this volume, which look to synthesize and bridge the various theoretical approaches in approaching in examining various theoretical and empirical aspects of the changing power dynamics in the modern world. For the most part, adopt a relist approach as the starting point of their analysis and are skeptical of many claims forwarded by liberal theorists. Nevertheless, the articles do try to escape form the rigid determinism imposed by many realist theories and they apply the insights of all of the various schools (realist, liberal, as well as constructivist) in their analysis.
The book includes the result of social researches in diiferent fields of modern sciense represented on the conference in Canada..
In the aftermath of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Russian international relations (IR) study stepped into a phase of comprehensive transformation, where the theoretical development, research content, and research methodology underwent substantial change This article focuses on surveying Russian IR discipline development since 1991, elaborating the theoretical discussion in Russion IR academia concerning the estabolishment of two emerging disciplines of “world politics” and “IR philosophy”, and as well, analyzing the new concepts advanced by Russian scholars when delving into the trend of international configuration Thereby, the contemporary Russian perspectives of IR theory explorations are presented.
Recently Chinese IR scholars have been debating the need to create their own original theory of international
relations, which is traditionally dominated by Western scholars. One of the key contributors to the ongoing debate
is Yan Xuetong, the professor of Tsinghua University. In 2005 he started a research project, which aim was to
enrich international relations with non-Western thought and historical experience. He analyzed Chinese classical
texts from the Pre-Qin era and evaluated their applicability to the analysis of modern international relations. In
2014 he formulated the theory of moral realism, which combined main assumptions of realism with new concepts
derived from the ancient Chinese thought. The main goal of the theory and related research questions is to provide
an alternative explanation of China’s rise and the future of the world order. In this article, the authors analyse
the key concepts of the theory presented in different publications of Yan Xuetong: morality, political strength,
power, types of leadership and types of major power. The key concept of the theory is morality, which is borrowed
from the ancient Chinese philosophy. Moral behaviour in domestic and international politics increases strength
and comprehensive power of a state on the international arena, while moral qualities of the major power shape the
world order and determine international stability. The authors examine practical recommendations built upon the
moral realism theory that Yan Xuetong gives to the Chinese leadership. From a scientific point of view, the theory
is criticized for the lack of clear definitions, for contradictions and biases, but it is valuable because it reflects the
In order to explore the present and future role of the EU in the G8, it is important to invoke, develop and apply several key contemporary concepts from International Relations Theory. This chapter focuses in turn on soft power and soft law, concerts, vulnerability and shocks, globalization and complex adaptive systems and multilateral governance and networks.
Minjung misul " the people's art" existed in the Republic of Korea in the 1970-1980's, artists criticized the authorities and revealed sores of the existing regime and society. They fought for democratic freedom, along with thousands participated in demonstrations. In the 1990s most artists have left the idea of fighting. However, since the presidency of Lee Myung-bak, and especially after Park Geun-hye decided to run for president, political art found new life. Lee Ha is one of the most active political artists today. His works attract more and more public attention. Lee Ha put up on the streets of Seoul posters and dropped leaflets with the imageof ParkGeun-hye,LeeMyung bak and other politicians.Duringperformancesartist was arrested by the police, and after was charged.
Thus, the political art in the Republic of Korea continues to exist and is taking new
forms. This study examined Lee Ha’s art and answered the question, what Korean political art is like today and how Korean society reacts to it.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.
This special publication for the 2012 New Delhi Summit is a collection of articles by government officials from BRICS countries, representatives of international organizations, businessmen and leading researchers.
The list of Russian contributors includes Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister of Russia, Maxim Medvedkov, Director of the Trade Negotiations Department of the Russian Ministry of Economic Development, Vladimir Dmitriev, Vnesheconombank Chairman, Alexander Bedritsky, advisor to the Russian President, VadimLukov, Ambassador-at-large of the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and representatives of the academic community.
The publication also features articles by the President of Kazakhstan NursultanNazarbayev and internationally respected economist Jim O’Neil, who coined the term “BRIC”. In his article Jim O’Neil speculates about the future of the BRICS countries and the institution as a whole.
The publication addresses important issues of the global agenda, the priorities of BRICS and the Indian Presidency, the policies and competitive advantages of the participants, as well as BRICS institutionalization, enhancing efficiency and accountability of the forum.