Особенности смены «спортивного гражданства» в сравнении требований спортивных федераций
The issue of change of sports citizenship is complex and controversial topic for such a branch of law as sports law. Sports citizenship is an institution that describes the athlete’s legal relationship with a state, defines the athlete’s professional relations with national sports federations, assumes the opportunity to play for one or another national team, as well as the opportunity to play in national sports competitions without limitations. This issue has double regulation, including national legislation about citizenship, as well as local acts of international sports federations. In the framework of this article, the author will analyze the local acts of international sports federations in the context of the rules for changing sports citizenship. The analysis will be based on international sports federations that are part of the Olympic Games system. The practice of resolving issues of changing sports citizenship shows that the possibilities for changing sports citizenship vary greatly in game and individual sports. Sports federations try to prevent the arbitrary change of citizenship by introducing such restrictions as a ban on changing sports citizenship, quarantine when changing citizenship, limiting the number of cases of changing sports citizenship. The change of citizenship among athletes has recently become widespread. The introduction of a preferential procedure for obtaining citizenship, which is established in national legislation on citizenship, also contributes to this.
High risk of informal behavior during the Olympic Games bid procedure requires some changes in the current system since the subjectivity in choosing the Olympic Games capital, risk of double selling of the votes and other informal behavior still exist.
The article presents results of the research of the economic, social and environmental effects of the Olympic Games. A comparative analysis of the impact the Olympic Games on the socio-economic development of the host regions from 1972 to 2012 has been conducted. Proposed conclusions and recommendations are ordered to enhance positive effects of the Olympic Games and to keep the regional development acceleration rate in post Olympic period.
There are many arguments which cause countries to take part in the competition for the right to host the Olympic Games. The most important of them are increasing of host region reputation, development of infrastructure and improvement of the competitiveness of the national brands. However Olympics expectations are often too high compared with the actual results. This paper discusses the international experience of using the Olympic Games as a tool for creating a positive image of the Olympic capital and the host region in general. The study covers period from 1972 to 2012. It identifies both positive and negative effects of Olympic Games on the host region development and image. The special attention was paid to the positive Olympic experience in Beijing (2008) and London (2012). These Olympic Games can be considered as an effective tool both for social and economic development and for strengthening of the political position of the host countries in the international scene. Studying and using the key elements of a technology of positive image creating is important for Sochi Olympic Games because its main political goal is to increase Russia’s international influence. The paper formulates the problems of political positioning of Winter Olympic Games Sochi - 2014 and identifies the main risks and conditions of achieving its image goals.
This article couples framing analyses with social identity issues to provide a critical discourse analysis of the Sochi Olympics opening ceremony, along with the various media depictions surrounding it. Moreover, it explores the idea of 'derzhava' as a rediscovered political narrative/frame in Russian symbolic politics. We argue that images and symbols alluding to different events in the past and present play significant roles in the social construction of people’s identities. Our lives are largely dependent upon what we tend to forget, and what we still remember. As the first impressions of the Sochi Olympics Games pass away, we are finally able to see what stayed hidden, and what was deliberately left in light. Relying upon the research on the connection between collective memory and social identity, we examine several Sochi Olympics events, seeking to identify what the organizers of the Games wanted us to remember, and what was meant to be forgotten. What symbols and signs were deliberately and repeatedly manifested to evoke Russian national pride? What was left behind the scenes in order not to revive traumatic collective memory of the past? An analysis of two frames – “the frame of commemoration” and “the frame of obliteration” - helps to shed light on the veiled elements of new Russian social identity construction today. In addition, our analysis helps to explain how the Sochi Olympics became a springboard for launching a more forceful symbolic politics commensurate with new Russian power ambitions.
In Munich, a referendum on a bid for the 2022 Winter Olympics was held in November 2013 and failed. This study analyzes the determinants of the percent of favorable votes using secondary data from all 52 communities involved in the referendum. The evidence suggests that potential host communities tended to have larger vote shares in favor of putting in a bid as did communities with higher rates of unemployment. In communities with a high share of votes for the Green and the Leftist party in the federal state elections, the percent of favorable votes for the Olympic bid was significantly lower. Moreover, the negative effect of the number of hotel beds per capita suggests that voters were concerned with crowding-out of regular tourists during the Olympics. Local politicians and bidding committees could use this information to better understand the local population and to improve their support for hosting Olympic Games. © 2015 West Virginia University.
The article is devoted to a particular form of freedom of assembly — the right to counter-demonstrate. The author underlines the value of this right as an element of democratic society, but also acknowledges the risk of violent actions among participants of opposing demonstrations. Due to this risk, the government may adopt adequate measures restricting the right to counter-demonstrate, certain types of which are analyzed in this paper.
Development of standards of international controllability is reviewed in the article. Institutional approach is applied to development of international legal regime of Energy Charter. Definition of controllability is connected to development of international standards of dispute settlement, which are described in the article in detail. In connection with controllability, Russian interest, defense of investment in European Union and ecological investment encouragement, is reviewed in the article.
мировое управление и управляемость, Мировая экономика, международное экономическое право, энергетическая хартия, International control and controllability, International economics, international economic law, Energy Charter
международное частное право; недвижимость; ; школа бартолистов; бартолисты; теория статутов; статуарная теория/