Электоральный конформизм в России и его география
This article describes the features of electoral behavior in the municipal elections in Russia. With the use of the materials of the Chelyabinsk region the author analyzed the most common cultural patterns of electoral behavior, that affected the results of the elections to the local self-government in 2012.
The programs of Russian TV channels in the context of electoral campaigns have repeatedly been selected as a subject of social surveys. The proposed paper is based on the results of content analysis of informational programs of the three major channels Pervij, Rossija-1 and NTV – during the Duma campaign of 2011 and the presidential campaign of 2012. The research findings demonstrate the thematic and contextual features of the programs, tones and mentioned persons. It is shown that the representation of the electoral competition was mostly imitative. The governing party (“United Russia”) and the authorities’ candidate (Vladimir Putin) were presented mostly as officials at work, which gave them certain advantages. There were no principal differences in the position of various channels towards the political process. In both cases public political activity increased noticeably after voting: in November 2011 in the form of protest demonstrations, and later in March 2012 in the form of protest and supportive demonstrations.
The second electoral cycle provided a new opportunity for regionally specific analysis of elections in Russia. The Russian electoral space is discussed in this chapter as a geographical formation characterized by territorial differentiation. Structural and functional geographic analysis of elections is almost unlimited due to the extremely complex and exhaustive division of the country. If one is to seek cross-sectional and time serial regularities and trends in Russia, the choice of an electoral map made up only of a patchwork of federal units must be avoided. The high degree of heterogeneity within them produces inaccuracy in the analysis. The geography of elections can be adequately analyzed only on the basis of data for compact localities. We make use of cities and administrative districts whose heterogeneity can be assumed to be less significant in a nationwide analysis. This treatment of basic structural units of electoral space as electoral process components is in line with current political geography usage. According to the literature, a nation-wide political process consists of numerous local processes, with the resulting total sum always being greater than the arithmetic sum.
The article systematizes the main provisions of issue ownership theory, according to which politicians and parties closely associated with important issues and perceived as being able to solve them most effectively, receive greater support of population. This theory has gained popularity in recent years. However, the definition of issue ownership and its measurement still causes disagreement among researchers. The stability of the phenomenon in time continues to be discussed, as well as the possibility of its application not only to political parties, but also to individual politicians. Researchers distinguish two types of issue ownership: competence (confidence in the ability of a political actor to solve problem) and associative (spontaneous identification of a political actor with issue). These "forms of ownership" on the agenda is measured using various questions. It creates difficulties in comparation the results of studies carried out in line with this theory. Issue ownership plays significant role in the political struggle and can contribute to the victory of the candidate (or party) in elections. This situation stimulates politicians to "capture" the most advantageous issues. However, political actors have unequal opportunities for this. The advantage is enjoyed by parties that are currently in power. In addition, the effect of issue ownership for the authorities and the opposition can be different. Opposition benefits from the media attention to the issues associated with it, but does not lose significantly due to active discussion of the issues that the ruling party owns. While authorities lose their votes when the news covers the issues that the opposition owns.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.
This special publication for the 2012 New Delhi Summit is a collection of articles by government officials from BRICS countries, representatives of international organizations, businessmen and leading researchers.
The list of Russian contributors includes Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister of Russia, Maxim Medvedkov, Director of the Trade Negotiations Department of the Russian Ministry of Economic Development, Vladimir Dmitriev, Vnesheconombank Chairman, Alexander Bedritsky, advisor to the Russian President, VadimLukov, Ambassador-at-large of the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and representatives of the academic community.
The publication also features articles by the President of Kazakhstan NursultanNazarbayev and internationally respected economist Jim O’Neil, who coined the term “BRIC”. In his article Jim O’Neil speculates about the future of the BRICS countries and the institution as a whole.
The publication addresses important issues of the global agenda, the priorities of BRICS and the Indian Presidency, the policies and competitive advantages of the participants, as well as BRICS institutionalization, enhancing efficiency and accountability of the forum.