Нулевой субъект целевых клауз и эллипсис аргумента в горномарийском языке
This paper addresses the system of purpose clauses in Hill Mari. It focuses on the conditions licensing omission of infinitival purpose clause subjects. Basically, these emerge where such subjects corefer to the matrix subject or indirect object. In cases of embedded predicate’s unaccusativity and direct object coreference, however, the subordinate subject can be omitted. Since this interdependence between unaccusativity of purpose clauses and options for their subjects omission have escaped the attention of previous typological studies, a question arises about the nature of this interdependence and its relation to other phenomena observed in Hill Mari. A similar pattern is observed in cases of argument omission in coordinate clauses where the first conjunct’s subject coreferent to the second conjunct’s object can only be omitted if the first clause’s verb is unaccusative. Given that the null pronominal (pro) analysis, usually implied in similar cases, proves to be empirically inadequate here, I propose to view this phenomenon as a case of argument ellipsis.