In this paper I describe the grammatical markers and relevant lexical elements used in different types of interrogative sentences in Bashkir, and their distribution. I discuss polar and alternative questions in Bashkir, which both involve a special interrogative particle =mE, and their intonation patterns, and review the non-interrogative uses of the particle =mE. I discuss content questions (“wh questions”), including the inventory of interrogative words, their position, and the intonation patterns used in such questions. I review the attested peripheral markers used in interrogative sentences, i. e. tag-like and particle-like markers, which are mostly used in biased questions. Finally, I discuss the expression of some special types of questions, including non-standard illocutionary types (“deliberative”, permissive, and hortative), echo questions, and embedded questions.
The paper gives a survey of verbs of falling in Tigrinya (an Ethio-Semitic language spoken in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia). The employment of each verb related to the situation of falling down is illustrated with phrasal examples. The Tigrinya data is further compared with Geez, a closely related extinct language. A special subsection deals with metaphorical use of the basic verb ‘to fall’ in Tigrinya.
Tigrinya possesses one basic verb of falling, wädäḳä, which is applied to describe the downward movement of a solid object through the air or a loss of vertical position of a vertically oriented object. Falling of a solid, heavy object, either through the air or, less typically, along an oblique surface, can also be referred to by a special verb ṣädäfä. In all situations deviating from this default situation of falling in Tigrinya, special verbs are employed. Thus, the verbs tägälbäṭä ‘to be overturned, to topple’ or tägämṭälä ‘to be turned over’ are used to describe the situation of toppling, overturning which does not involve physical falling from a higher level to a lower one. Detachment of an object which had been firmly fixed to another object, is usually denoted by the verb moläḳä ‘to slip off; to become detached’. Falling to pieces of buildings or other built structures is described by the special verbs färäsä ‘to collapse, crumble, to fall’ or ʕanäwä ‘to collapse’ (but ṣädäfä can also be used in such contexts).
Detachment of parts of body or plants due to natural reasons is denoted by the special verb rägäfä ‘to fall off (leaves), to break off, break loose (fruit, leaf), to shed a coat (livestock)’ (although the physical falling which is caused by such a detachment can well be described by the verb wärädä ‘to descend’). Furthermore, with respect to teeth, a special verb goräfä ‘to lose milk teeth, to have one’s tooth pulled out’ is used, with the possessor of the tooth encoded as the subject, and the tooth itself, as the object.
Downward movement of liquids is denoted by a wide range of verbs, such as wäḥazä ‘to flow’, näṭäbä ‘to fall in drops, to drop (water), to drip (water)’, fäsäsä ‘to be spilled, poured (out) (water, grain, etc.), to flow (liquid, stream), to run (water), to fall (water)’, ṣärär bälä ‘to ooze, exude’, läḥakʷä ‘to drip, run (water along a wall after leaking through a roof, lo leak, to seep, filter through (intransitive)’. The verb wärädä ‘to descend’ is also used to describe the movement of liquids from a higher level to the lower.
Spilling of granular material is denoted by fäsäsä ‘to be spilled, poured (out) (water, grain, etc.)’.
Rolling down is denoted by the verb ʔankoraräyä/ʔankoraräwä ‘to roll’.
Downward movement in water is described by the verb ṭäḥalä ‘to sink, to submerge’.
Intentional losing of vertical position is described by the verb bäṭṭ bälä ‘to lie down’, and intentional movement from a higher level to the lower is described by wärädä ‘to descend’.
The metaphors of falling include the employment of the verb wädäḳä to describe an abrupt, unexpected (and often unpleasant) change. This involves decrease in a measure, loss of interest, the destruction of a social power, arriving of a sudden calamity.
A separate group of metaphorical employment is the verb wädäḳä as the standard predicate of such nouns as “lottery” and “lot”, presumably by extension from the situation of dice falling to the ground.
Finally, death in battle is also denoted by the verb wädäḳä.
The Geez cognate of wädäḳä likewise functions as the basic verb ‘to fall’, whose employment is very similar to, although not identical with, its Tigrinya equivalent. Similarly, Geez ṣadfa does not display any significant difference from Tigrinya ṣädäfä in its semantics and usage.
The paper deals with DOM rules in Moksha Mordvin.
The paper discusses verbal markers meaning ‘go in order to P’ and ‘come in order to P’ in languages of Siberia and the Russian Far East. Special attention is paid to Forest Nenets and some Tungusic languages. Andative vs. ventive opposition (expressing, respectively, motion from and to the deictic center) is identified in Forest Nenets for the first time. In Forest Nenets, these markers are non-implicative, i. e., in order to use them, the goal situation P does not need to have taken place in the actual world (even where they mark finite verbs in indicative sentences with past reference), only the motion situation. Though most Tungusic languages also have more than one directional-purposive marker, these usually show a different type of an opposition, namely that between ‘go in order to P’ and ‘go in order to P and come back’. The former markers are not deictically oriented, while the latter differ from typical andative markers in that their meaning has a reditive component (‘returning to the initial point’).
As a typological background, the paper also briefly considers data of some languages spoken in other areals. Morphemes with similar, but often not entirely identical meanings, attested cross-linguistically, are usually described as markers of associated motion or motion-cum-purpose categories. The latter term suits the discussed Siberian-language markers best, because, in contrast to the former term, it highlights both the syntactic role of the motion situation participant (where s/he is coreferent with the S/A-participant of the goal situation) and the temporal sequence of the situations.
The article also proposes some observations on the possible grammaticalization paths of motion-cum-purpose markers and provides a tentative list of typological parameters which can be relevant for this domain.
This paper examines the interaction and the hierarchy of grammatical categories in Gban (< South Mande, Côte d’Ivoire), as well as from the theoretical perspective. The first part describes the discovered cases of interaction of grammatical categories in Gban (among themselves and also with some peripheral elements). The second part of the paper focuses on the question of how we can hierarchically generalize the interaction of grammatical categories. An elaboration of some theoretical points is made, including a proposed division between symmetrical and asymmetrical interaction (together with a characterization of which cases belong to which class. A method is proposed to build language-specific hierarchies of grammatical categories. By applying this method to the data of Gban, a possible hierarchy of this language’s grammatical categories is established.
The paper discusses the competition between word order strategies in Russian, where an adverb modifying an adjective within a prepositional phrase may be itself either within the PP or to the left of it. Several factors are shown to condition the choice of word order, including the properties of the NP complement of the preposition, the choice of the adverb and, importantly, the length of the preposition. An analysis of leftward displaced modification in terms of the PF lowering of the preposition is sketched.
This talk provides an analysis for the functioning of the temporal distance in past category which has emerged in Gban (South Mande). The category consists of three subcategories: hodiernal (“today’s past”; default interpretation ‘(earlier) today’), hesternal (“yesterday’s past”; default interpretation ‘yesterday’) and remote (default interpretation ‘the day before yesterday or earlier’). When influenced by a temporal location adverbial modifier, the interpretation of sentences with temporal distance forms changes in a nontrivial way.
Tabasaran (Nakh-Daghestanian) features three main constructions to described possession: the dative, locative, and genitive constructions. The dative and locative constructions represent constructions with an external possessor. The possessor in the genitive construction behaves as an attributive modifier in most cases. However, when expressing inaliable possession, the genitive forms a separate NP and does not constitute a single NP with the possessee, thus showing the syntactic behavior characteristic of external possessors. In addition, Tabasaran has a system of verbal person markers also used to denote possession. The paper describes semantic and syntactic parameters that determine the interpretation of verbal possessive markers.
The article presents the results of a typological analysis of ൿൺඅඅංඇ verbs performed on a sample of 42 languages. Under falling we understand uncontrolled gravity-forced downward motion in the air without contact with a surface. Within this semantic domain, we identify 4 main situations (frames) that consistently underlie lexical oppositions: moving from a higher surface to a lower one (‘the vase fell from the table’), loss of vertical orientation (‘the vase fell and the water spilled on the tablecloth’), falling-destruction (‘the house collapsed’) and detaching (‘the dress fell off the hanger’). Depending on the encoding strategy of these frames, we distinguish between several types of ൿൺඅඅංඇ systems. Two extremes in this typology are represented, on the one hand, by a dominant strategy (i.e., all frames may be covered by the same verb) and, on the other, by a distributive system (a special verb is used for each of the frames). Within our sample, the dominant system is encountered, e.g., in Hindi, Greek, Basque, and Tig rinya, and the distributive one is characteristic of Hungarian, Chukchi, Adyghe, and Khmer. These and other lexicalization patterns are visualized using both a traditional semantic map model and formal concept analysis. The paper also discusses additional parameters that may aff ect the choice of lexical means — in particular, the type of falling subject, the number of falling items, the peculiarity of the subject’s initial and fi nal positions, the cause of the fall, etc. For example, languages tend to use special verbs to encode falling of precipitation. Multiple subjects (e.g., granular solids or apples) may be lexically opposed to separate elements. In case of humans, verbs of falling may imply a certain orientation of the subject after the falling event (e.g., on one’s back or face down), or a specifi c reason (falling caused by an internal malfunction — faint, loss of balance, etc., or by an external impact — hitting, shooting, etc.).
This paper describes the semantics of falling in Adyghe and Kuban Kabardian from a typological perspective. Although they represent the same Circassian branch of the Northwest Caucasian family, Adyghe and Kabardian still demonstrate some differences in the way their predicates of falling are lexicalized: while in Adyghe we have a distributive system which includes special lexical means for different types of falling, there is only one dominant and several peripheral predicates in the Kabardian language. What is peculiar about these languages, when compared to the available data for other investigated languages, is that the parameter of orientation to the initial vs. final point of movement is of special importance in lexicalizing cases of falling. Our analysis of the material may not only help to contribute to the general typology of falling but may throw light on such a phenomenon in cognitive linguistics as the emphasis on the final point of movement in opposition to the initial point, also known as goal bias.
The article provides a classification of approximately 30 verbs used to describe situations associated with the falling of animate and inanimate objects. The authors conclude that in the modern Persian language, the choice of the exact verb to denote falling depends on the degree of integrity of the falling object in question. Only situations in which verbs are used in their direct meaning are considered; where necessary, stylistic differences in the use of verbs are discussed separately. Examples are taken from both literary and colloquial Persian (all examples have been assembled from Internet resources). The authors conclude that in modern Persian language, when choosing a verb to describe a fall, the integrity of the falling object matters. Analysis of the cited material shows that the most frequent verb is oftādan. It is used regardless of which surface and along which path the object falls (solid or liquid), as well as the fact that the object remains on the surface or falls under a layer, into a liquid or granular substance, or into a vessel. However, the scope of the verb oftādan is limited. It does not serve situations of falling populations associated with the disintegration of an integral object into parts, and only in very rare cases is it used to describe the fall of liquid masses, loose bodies and precipitation. In situations describing the fall of parts of an object or the destruction of a structure, the verbs rixtan, rizeš kardan, foru rixtan are used. Also, to describe various situations related to the semantics of the fall, in modern Persian there are a number of verbs with a limited scope. All examples are taken from Internet resources and provided with links.