In this paper I describe the grammatical markers and relevant lexical elements used in different types of interrogative sentences in Bashkir, and their distribution. I discuss polar and alternative questions in Bashkir, which both involve a special interrogative particle =mE, and their intonation patterns, and review the non-interrogative uses of the particle =mE. I discuss content questions (“wh questions”), including the inventory of interrogative words, their position, and the intonation patterns used in such questions. I review the attested peripheral markers used in interrogative sentences, i. e. tag-like and particle-like markers, which are mostly used in biased questions. Finally, I discuss the expression of some special types of questions, including non-standard illocutionary types (“deliberative”, permissive, and hortative), echo questions, and embedded questions.
The paper deals with DOM rules in Moksha Mordvin.
The paper discusses verbal markers meaning ‘go in order to P’ and ‘come in order to P’ in languages of Siberia and the Russian Far East. Special attention is paid to Forest Nenets and some Tungusic languages. Andative vs. ventive opposition (expressing, respectively, motion from and to the deictic center) is identified in Forest Nenets for the first time. In Forest Nenets, these markers are non-implicative, i. e., in order to use them, the goal situation P does not need to have taken place in the actual world (even where they mark finite verbs in indicative sentences with past reference), only the motion situation. Though most Tungusic languages also have more than one directional-purposive marker, these usually show a different type of an opposition, namely that between ‘go in order to P’ and ‘go in order to P and come back’. The former markers are not deictically oriented, while the latter differ from typical andative markers in that their meaning has a reditive component (‘returning to the initial point’).
As a typological background, the paper also briefly considers data of some languages spoken in other areals. Morphemes with similar, but often not entirely identical meanings, attested cross-linguistically, are usually described as markers of associated motion or motion-cum-purpose categories. The latter term suits the discussed Siberian-language markers best, because, in contrast to the former term, it highlights both the syntactic role of the motion situation participant (where s/he is coreferent with the S/A-participant of the goal situation) and the temporal sequence of the situations.
The article also proposes some observations on the possible grammaticalization paths of motion-cum-purpose markers and provides a tentative list of typological parameters which can be relevant for this domain.
This paper examines the interaction and the hierarchy of grammatical categories in Gban (< South Mande, Côte d’Ivoire), as well as from the theoretical perspective. The first part describes the discovered cases of interaction of grammatical categories in Gban (among themselves and also with some peripheral elements). The second part of the paper focuses on the question of how we can hierarchically generalize the interaction of grammatical categories. An elaboration of some theoretical points is made, including a proposed division between symmetrical and asymmetrical interaction (together with a characterization of which cases belong to which class. A method is proposed to build language-specific hierarchies of grammatical categories. By applying this method to the data of Gban, a possible hierarchy of this language’s grammatical categories is established.
The paper discusses the competition between word order strategies in Russian, where an adverb modifying an adjective within a prepositional phrase may be itself either within the PP or to the left of it. Several factors are shown to condition the choice of word order, including the properties of the NP complement of the preposition, the choice of the adverb and, importantly, the length of the preposition. An analysis of leftward displaced modification in terms of the PF lowering of the preposition is sketched.
This talk provides an analysis for the functioning of the temporal distance in past category which has emerged in Gban (South Mande). The category consists of three subcategories: hodiernal (“today’s past”; default interpretation ‘(earlier) today’), hesternal (“yesterday’s past”; default interpretation ‘yesterday’) and remote (default interpretation ‘the day before yesterday or earlier’). When influenced by a temporal location adverbial modifier, the interpretation of sentences with temporal distance forms changes in a nontrivial way.
Tabasaran (Nakh-Daghestanian) features three main constructions to described possession: the dative, locative, and genitive constructions. The dative and locative constructions represent constructions with an external possessor. The possessor in the genitive construction behaves as an attributive modifier in most cases. However, when expressing inaliable possession, the genitive forms a separate NP and does not constitute a single NP with the possessee, thus showing the syntactic behavior characteristic of external possessors. In addition, Tabasaran has a system of verbal person markers also used to denote possession. The paper describes semantic and syntactic parameters that determine the interpretation of verbal possessive markers.
Semelfactive, delimitative, attenuative, and similar meanings are frequently combined in one marker across world languages forming a single semantic area. The article addresses the verbal attenuative in-al- / -alal / -ə̑ ldal in Hill Mari, looking into its morphonological distribution and polysemy. The marker allows for multiple (perfective) interpretations, including: delimitative (‘do P for a while’); transition to a temporary state (‘enter state S for a while and return to the initial state’); transition to a weaker state (‘enter state S, which is expressed weaker than the norm’); partial accomplishment (‘accomplish X in part only’). Imperfective interpretations, i.e. a weaker state or a weaker atelic process, are not available for the attenuative except for a coercion interpretation emerging with a zero iterative affix (‘read a book sporadically’ = ‘read for a while in a series of separate attempts’). The actual interpretation is shown to depend on the Aktionsart properties of the stem. Interpretations that include a change of state (other than the delimitative) are only possible where the stem verb has a resulting state in its aspectual structure. Overall, attenuatives describe situations which have a shorter duration than a standard S, and b) do not lead to any resulting state. The latter is true either because there is no result state in the first place, or because the result state is either cancelled or only partially reached.
The present paper deals with two cases of predicate reduplication in the Besleney dialect of the Kabardian language (idiom spoken in Ulap village, Adyghe Republic). The reduplicated constructions mark the duration or the regularity of a situation and seem to form an antonymic pair. In addition, one of the constructions shows futher semantic development and can also mark the highest degree of the main feature of an object.