Новые ориентиры внешней политики Мексики
The phrase “the best foreign policy is domestic policy” became some kind of mantra for the new administration, headed by the new president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (2018 - present), at the beginning of his mandate remaining focused solely on internal problems, and forgetting about representing Mexico’s interests in the world. And, despite the fact that foreign policy issues remained far behind, compared with domestic problems, the new administration has at long last taken a number of steps in the field of international relations and foreign policy, which did not go unnoticed by the wide public. The article is devoted to changes in the foreign policy priorities of Mexico, occurring after the new president came to power in the country. In this context, relations between this Latin American country and the United States, China, Latin America are considered. It is shown how, within the framework of these main directions of foreign policy, the new Mexican administration offers new ways of solving strategic issues. The article presents an analysis of Mexican-Venezuelan relations at the beginning of the XXI century. The position of the mediator, taken by Mexico in relation to the Venezuelan crisis, confirmed the traditional commitment of this country to the principles of the Estrada Doctrine. Author cites the main factors influencing today on the formation of Mexico’s foreign policy.
In the coming decades in the process of globalization the position of the USA and Europe will weaken, while the role of developing countries will increase. The role of the two largest emerging economies – China and India – will be of special significance. What future will these fast-growing giants face? The demographers agree that pretty soon India will lead the world in population and thus surpass China, while China will encounter serious ageing population problems. But economic and political scenarios of the future are quite different: from resounding success and world leadership to collapse caused by demographic and socio-political troubles. Which of them is more feasible? In the present article I analyze the Chinese and Indian development models separately and comparatively and make a forecast of their perspectives in the twenty-first century. Such an analysis could be helpful for understanding Russia's ways of development.
At the present stage, cooperation between Mexico and Spain is multifaceted and effective. Both countries maintain economic, trade and cultural ties, at the same time possessing the various mechanisms for bilateral dialogue and assistance, which together form one of the most multifaceted institutional structures in the world. To date, the status of a natural ally of Spain is one of the central tasks for Mexico. The article examines the key aspects of the cooperation between these countries considering that the Mexican economy is in the midst of the ”destabilizing effect” because of the policy of the new US president Donald Trump, which threatens the political and economic achievements of Mexican-Spanish relations.
América Central, también llamada Centroamérica*, es un subcontinente que conecta América del Norte con América del Sur. Geográficamente se situa entre la fronreta de México y la frontera noroccidental de Colombia, rodeada por el océano Pacífico y el océano Atlántico. Políticamente se divide en los 7 países independientes de Guatemala, Belice, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica y Panamá. Su extensión territorial es de 523.780 km2 y su población es de unos 41.739.000 habitantes. El territorio cubre una superficie un poco mayor que la de España. Prodiga en recursos naturales, su suelo es sumamente fértil, apto para todo tipo de cultivos. El canal de Panamá además de facilitar la comunicación marítima entre dos océanos se hizo en América Central un paso obigado para los buques de todo el mundo. El subcontinente tiene todo para atraer al turismo internacional: hermosas playas, selvas, montañas, volcanes, apasibles lagos, ruinas de antiguas civilizaciones, etc. Pero la región aún está a la espera de que sus gobiernos encaren tres duros desafíos: vencer la pobreza, consolidar sus débiles democracias y apagar los odios que dejaron los largos años de guerras civiles en sus países.
China's economic success is largely determined by very low population dependency ratio. This situation was a result of the demographic policy in the PRC. However, another consequence of the same policy becomes imminent rapid aging of China's population. It is very likely that by the early 2030s the country after half a century of unprecedented success will enter a period of coping.
The presented paper discusses problems of inequality in Mexico. Despite intensive economic growth, the Mexican society is one of the most unequal in the world. According to the National council for the evaluation of social development 51% of Mexicans are poor. And Mexico inequality indicators are the highest in Latin America.
The author examines social measures on reducing inequality taken in post-revolutionary Mexico (1940 – 1990) and new liberal programmes.
The efforts on building “welfare state” during 1940-1990 led to improvement of living standards, widening access to education and health care, but did not help to overcome inequality. The gap between rural and urban population was increasing. After the serious economic crisis of the 80’s, Mexico accelerated its economic liberalization. To reduce inequality social programmes for supporting vulnerable social groups: Indians, women, senior citizens were launched. However, despite the enthusiasm of the government and relatively good economic performance, poverty was not eradicated.
It is concluded that liberalizing trade and embracing globalization is not enough to tackle the inequality problems and the Mexican government should implement policies to equalize opportunities.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.