Патриотизм, лоббизм, демонстративность… Фреймирование импортозамещения в российских печатных СМИ
This study analyzes the discussion of import substitution in the Russian press from August 2014 to December 2016. By drawing on 269 press media items (obtained from the “Integrum” database and featuring Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Novaya Gazeta, Komsomolskaya Pravda, and Kommersant) the authors show that the discussion is being constructed within the following eight frames – anti-Western, patriotic, nostalgic, sentimental, interest-centered, consequence-centered, selfish and demonstrative. The most popular frames are the patriotic and the consequence-centered ones. However, the spectrum of frames most frequently engaged differs across periodicals. For instance, while the pro-state and pro-government Rossiyskaya Gazeta constructs a predominantly positive image of import substitution through the use of anti-Western and patriotic frames, the more liberal and oppositional Novaya Gazeta often emphasizes the likely negative consequences of such protectionism using the sentimental and demonstrative frames. Komsomolskaya Pravda uses the widest range of frames, but presents the information in a more simplified form to make it clearer to its target audience. In contrast, Kommersant discusses import substitution at a more expert level and invokes the selfish and the consequence-centered frames. Through the qualitative content-analysis of the selected media the authors have produced a list of keywords that serve to determine the place of import substitution in network agenda-setting. Their joint reference analysis has revealed three large clusters in the public discussion: the economic-political, the selfishly patriotic and the protectionist cluster. The authors conclude that the debate on import substitution combines both economic and political arguments; and the media often resort to ideological constructs to justify their attitude towards import substitution.
The paper is focused on assessing the risk factors for Russian manufacturing firms posed by sanctions imposed on Russia by the EU, US, and other countries in 2014. While there is an extensive literature assessing the successes and failures of international sanctions on the economies of both those imposing and targeted by sanctions on a macroeconomic level, we are more interested in trying to understand the corporate response – i.e. which firms evaluate the introduction and increasing scale of economic sanctions as a threat to their corporate strategy, and their possible reactions aimed at adjusting to a changing environment due to the geopolitical shock. Our research, based on a recent survey of manufacturing companies, provides evidence that over the last decade Russian manufacturing firms have become much more integrated into the global economy than is commonly assumed, through foreign direct investment, foreign trade (including imports of both technological equipment and raw materials and components), international partnerships, and by extensively supplying foreign companies that operate in Russia. Considering the self-selection effect of the top-performing firms in terms of foreign trade, we can state that sanctions could prove most harmful not only for the targeted firms, but for the entire population of better-performing and globalized firms involved in foreign trade with the EU and Ukraine. Thus, the impact of the sanctions on the prospects of the Russian manufacturing sector may be very strong over the medium-to-long term.
This paper investigates the problem of food security as the basis for the stability of economic development on the example of North Africa. According to the World Bank and the Food and Agriculture Organization for the 1991-2014 the impact of various economic and financial factors, such as international trade, rural development, the state of the financial system, and others. on the potential for food security is examines based panel cointegration model. The proposed in the work methodology can be extended to any region of Africa to monitor and evaluate the effectiveness of policies to fight hunger and poverty.
Using network approach, we propose a new method of identifying key food exporters based on the long-range (LRIC) and short-range interaction indices (SRIC). These indices allow to detect several groups of economies with direct as well as indirect influence on the routes of different levels in the food network.
In this chapter is analised a contemporary role of the global food problem for the world economy. In this work the term ‘global food problem’ means unprecedented rise of world food price in the late XX – early XXI century, which make starve poor people in most countries.
A complex analysis of the social and economic consequences of China, Ukraine, and Russia’s accession to the WTO was used to identify recommendations for the most successful adaptation of Russia to WTO standards. Russia tries to adapt to the WTO standards. The study focuses on the Chinese experience. China’s membership in the WTO is extremely useful for Russia from due to China’s positive influence on the development of its economy , as there has been expansion in the industrial and production sectors of its economy and promotion of goods in world markets, as well as an opportunity to use the WTO’s legal instruments for national domestic market protection.
China’s positive experience as a WTO member somehow contrasts with the described experience of Ukraine. An assessment of Ukraine’s versatile policy and its association with the EU allowed concluded that it is impossible for Ukraine to follow two ways at once: that of Eurasian integration and that of European integration.
Recently, the aggravated trade, economic and political confrontations between Russia and its American and European partners spurred radical changes in Russia’s economic strategy. Areas of such transformations can be determined by understanding both the positive and negative experiences of Russia’s old trade partners, namely China and Ukraine as they joined the world economic environment.
On May 18-19, 2012, at the presidential retreat in Camp David in Maryland, U.S. president Barack Obama hosted the 38th annual G8 summit. The leaders discussed global economic growth, development, and peace and security. After less than 24 hours of face-to-face time among the leaders, they issued communiqué of only five pages. However, Camp David was a significant success. The leaders came together to effectively address the most pressing issues of the day while setting the direction for the summits that were to follow, including the summit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Chicago, the G20 in Los Cabos, Mexico, and the Rio+20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. That success was propelled by several causes. The first is the set of strong global shocks were particularly relevant to a number of items on the agenda. This included the newest installment of the euro-crisis, spikes in oil and food prices, and the escalating violence in Syria. The second is the failure of the other major international institutions to address these challenges. The third is the club’s dedication to the promotion of democracy and its significance on issues such as the democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa. The fourth is the high relative capabilities of G8 members, fuelled by the strength of the U.S. dollar, the Japanese yen and the British pound. The fifth is the domestic political control, capital, continuity, competence and commitment of the leaders in attendance. Camp David saw several G8 leaders returning for their sixth or seventh summit and leaders with a secure majority mandate and control of their legislative houses at home. Finally, the constricted participation at the remote and secluded Camp David Summit, a unique and original advantage of the G8 summit style, allowed for more spontaneous conversation and interpersonal bonds. Together, these interconnected causes brought the G8 back, as a broader, bigger, bolder centre of effective global governance.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.
Article considers theoretical prerequisites of creation of optimum hierarchical structure of system of monitoring of crucial parameters of food safety of Russia on the basis of application of the theory of indistinct sets.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.