Инструменты исторической науки и феномен human security
The article examines the phenomenon of human security in the context of the methodology of history as an academic discipline. The definitions of traditional and nontraditional threats and dangers are suggested, the subject of matter is examined from the angle of security as a political concept at all. In the article the latter is interpreted as a basis for regulating the status of violence. Considered the genesis of the logic of the evolution and nature of humanitarian security. It is shown that after the Cold War a broad interpretation of security, was formed, it is based on mutual trust of states and on international law, which has revealed new perspectives for Security Studies, and led to the emergence of the concept of humanitarian security. The sovereignty of the individual and the state sovereignty emerged from the equilibrium state. Formulated understanding of humanitarian security in its pure form as a protection against existential threats (human security, safety of local worlds and communities, security interests of the person) and “mixed”: economic, food, health and so forth. In its “mixed” form humanitarian security is transformed into a humanitarian - social one. It is shown that for the historical reconstruction of the evolution of the concept of humanitarian security can be effective the principles of the history of concepts (Begriffsgeschichte) of Reinhard Koselleck, the theory of conceptual changes in the historicity of thought of Quentin Skinner, approaches of the socio-cultural (anthropological) history, history from below, local history, the history of the body, microhistory, etc. It opens up the new perspectives by political scientists to analyze the problems of humanitarian and human security.
The article offers some observations concerning the current state of the “new history of medicine”, a field of research focused on the role of medicine, its ideas, ideologies and practices in culture and society. The author concentrates on methodological trends of this field, its research agenda, and the challenges it faces at the moment. In spite of the pessimistic opinions of some commentators on the perspectives of its further development, the author concludes that the new medical history in its present state does not show any signs of crisis. Quite the contrary, it is developing fast and steady, reacting to challenges and incorporating new approaches.
The article focuses on the most famous Russian pre-modern autobiography The Life by protopope Avvakum (1621/22–1682) to discuss his wife Natas’ja Markovna as one of its essential characters. Being the leader of the movement against religious reform in the seventeenth century Russia, Avvakum composed his life story in accordance with hagiographical canon of the martyr to send a propaganda message to his followers. The figure of Natas’ja Markovna in his text also works for this aim. In accordance with women’s hagiographic canon she is portrayed as wife and mother completely subjected to her husband’s will and doomed to share all hardships of his life. Though Avvakum’s autobiography was widely read, this religious/social context was often understood as insignificant for understanding its meanings. The same is true for the figure of the protopopica, which was used by Russian scholars and writers of the twentieth century to establish a canon of the model wife.
This paper outlines the phenomenon of «fear» as a component of Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) philosophy. The author makes an attempt to submit the concept of the «rational» fear as the basis of political philosophy of the English philosopher, with a special attention given to some «problematic» place of this concept.
On May 18-19, 2012, at the presidential retreat in Camp David in Maryland, U.S. president Barack Obama hosted the 38th annual G8 summit. The leaders discussed global economic growth, development, and peace and security. After less than 24 hours of face-to-face time among the leaders, they issued communiqué of only five pages. However, Camp David was a significant success. The leaders came together to effectively address the most pressing issues of the day while setting the direction for the summits that were to follow, including the summit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Chicago, the G20 in Los Cabos, Mexico, and the Rio+20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. That success was propelled by several causes. The first is the set of strong global shocks were particularly relevant to a number of items on the agenda. This included the newest installment of the euro-crisis, spikes in oil and food prices, and the escalating violence in Syria. The second is the failure of the other major international institutions to address these challenges. The third is the club’s dedication to the promotion of democracy and its significance on issues such as the democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa. The fourth is the high relative capabilities of G8 members, fuelled by the strength of the U.S. dollar, the Japanese yen and the British pound. The fifth is the domestic political control, capital, continuity, competence and commitment of the leaders in attendance. Camp David saw several G8 leaders returning for their sixth or seventh summit and leaders with a secure majority mandate and control of their legislative houses at home. Finally, the constricted participation at the remote and secluded Camp David Summit, a unique and original advantage of the G8 summit style, allowed for more spontaneous conversation and interpersonal bonds. Together, these interconnected causes brought the G8 back, as a broader, bigger, bolder centre of effective global governance.
The post-Cold War Arctic has seen a transformation from military tension and a focus on national security to a concern for environmental and human security. As a result of this, the globalized Arctic has a high level of peace and stability, maintained by international cooperation between the Arctic states, northern indigenous peoples, sub-national governments and local actors. There has also been a shift from environmental protection to economic activities and, consequently, states easily trump other interests. Now, in the Arctic, these challenges require fresh thinking on a local and global scale. Regional wars, the 'war on terror', and economic crises have posed new threats to Northern security order.
The article is devoted to the investigation of genesis of regular army as a political institution in conditions of political transit in Libya. The chronological scope of the study covers the historical period from 1951, when a sovereign Libyan state with monarchical form of government appeared, until 2011, when Libyan Jamahiriya ceased to exist. We scrutinize problems of collaboration of army with traditional and modern institutions of Libyan society and state; participation of army in development and implementation of domestic and foreign policy. We also examine how system of checks and balances of participation of army in the political process was established and how it was functioning during in the monarchical (1951-1969), Republican (1969-1976) and Jamahiriya (1976-2011) period. The events of 2011-2014 demonstrate the conservation of discovered trends and patterns of socio-political development of the institution of regular army in the new Libyan state.
The cognitive history paradigm proposed by the prominent Russian scientist is a new research strategy in modern humanities. The crucial element of this concept is an idea of the “intellectual product” as the material evidence and proof of human purpose-oriented activity in history and a universal instrument of cultural exchange across historical periods and political borders. By the using of this concept social scientists obtain the possibility to establish a new methodology of verified historical studies.
The article is concerned with the notions of technology in essays of Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger. The special problem of the connection between technology and freedom is discussed in the broader context of the criticism of culture and technocracy discussion in the German intellectual history of the first half of the 20th century.