Мягкая сила и нормативная сила Европы: генеалогические истоки двух концепций мягкого влияния в международных отношениях.
According to the current concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, soft power should take an important place in the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation. Meanwhile, at the present stage, thinking, both Russian political circles that adopt foreign policy decisions, and the Russian expert-scientific community's views on the soft influence in international relations, contain a number of conceptual flaws. These flaws do not allow an objective and relevant analysis of the possibility and prospects for the soft influence of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Proceeding from this, the article offers a genealogical analysis of the two most successful forms of soft influence - "soft power", which is a significant tool for pursuing US foreign policy and the "normative force of Europe," in which most of the foreign policy directions of the European Union are implemented. The analysis proposed in the article allows, firstly, identify the conceptual structure of both studied forms of soft power, and secondly, to compare these structures, which allows us to affirm the fundamental, quality genealogical uniqueness of each of the two forms of soft power in contemporary international relations. In addition, the analysis allows for a more conceptual approach to the problem of the possibility of Russia's soft influence, as well as to abandon the popular research focus on financing the soft influence of one or another participant in international relations.
The book undertakes to assess whether political realism as an International Relations theory still helps us to understand the foreign policies of key European actors. The contributors ask whether foreign policy actors in Europe understand the international system and behave as realists. They ask what drives their behaviour, how they construct material capabilities and to what extent they see material power as the means to ensure survival in a post-Cold War context apparently marked by growing instability. The contributors use or contest realism in its different forms in order identify continuity or change in the foreign policy of key European actors.
This book is the first study that analyses bilateral commercial treaties as instruments of peace and trade comparatively and over time. The work focuses on commercial treaties as an index of the challenges of eighteenth-century European politics, shaping a new understanding of these challenges and of how they were confronted at the time in theory and diplomatic practice. From the middle of the seventeenth century to the time of the Napoleonic wars bilateral commercial treaties were concluded not only at the end of large-scale wars accompanying peace settlements, but also independently with the aim to prevent or contain war through controlling the balance of trade between states. Commercial treaties were also understood by major political writers across Europe as practical manifestations of the wider intellectual problem of devising a system of interstate trade in which the principles of reciprocity and equality were combined to produce sustainable peaceful economic development.
Dialogue (in its original meaning) can hardly be regarded as an effective instrument for handling urgent political crises “right here and now.” Nevertheless, the “strategic,” communicative potential of dialogue, though in little demand today, remains significant.
Analyse of the transformation of traditional and modern models of China’s approach to its status and foreign relation
The Korean War was the first military clash of the Cold War, and the first international conflict where the UN Security Council intervened, the war waged for political objectives, the civil conflict — the Korean War marked to be distinctive in a variety of ways. Overall, the Korean was a bifurcation point that shaped the contours of the bipolar rivalry, with regional conflicts treated as cases to demonstrate supremacy by the two superpowers [Robert Jervis, pp. 563–592]. The disclosure of the Soviet (and partially Chinese) archives in the 1990s encouraged new wave of research on the causality of the war [Alexandre Y. Mansourov, 1996]. High-level documents on the Korean War were presented by the Russian President Boris Yeltsin to President Kim Young Sam of the Republic of Korea in 1994. However, the Korean War despite its pivotal importance has not received sufficiently ample attention from scholars of international relations that would have produced a broad theoretically informed scholarship. A valuable contribution to the mainstream theories of International Relations, the bargaining theory offers useful theoretical explanations on the outbreak of the war, the course of combat, and the war termination.
The conflict in Ukraine and Russia's annexation of Crimea has undoubtedly been a pivotal moment for policy makers and military planners in Europe and beyond. Many analysts see an unexpected character in the conflict and expect negative reverberations and a long-lasting period of turbulence and uncertainty, the de-legitimation of international institutions and a declining role for global norms and rules. Did these events bring substantial correctives and modifications to the extant conceptualization of International Relations? Does the conflict significantly alter previous assumptions and foster a new academic vocabulary, or, does it confirm the validity of well-established schools of thought in international relations? Has the crisis in Ukraine confirmed the vitality and academic vigour of conventional concepts?
The paper presents an analysis of the sources on the medieval history of the Maghrib in an attempt to identify the origin of the Berber tribal confederation of Ṣanhāja. The directions of research include the analysis of territories presumably occupied by the branches of this tribal confederation, in addition to the migration routes of the Yemeni region, central Sahara and the Maghreb; history of the Berbers mainly based on the texts of Ibn Khaldūn and his description and the genealogical tree of the Berber tribes and families. Furthermore, to recreate a more complete picture of the mixture of peoples we should take into account the Arab and the Vandals demographic contribution. Yemenis have played its role in the Maghreb, but the real Arabization took place not earlier than in 11th century, so the question is in the earlier relationships between Arab tribes. On the other hand, there is a demographic contribution that is systematically underestimated in the Maghrib, i.e. that of the slaves of sub-Saharan origin that supposedly had a much greater impact. Various social and political conditions in the Middle East and North Africa as well as the evolution of Islamic written tradition in Arabic during the early medieval period account for the multiplicity and heterogeneity of data on the Berbers in Arab historical works. Thus, an accurate and consistent study of all the available sources is highly desirable. Correlation of medieval and modern regions, different spelling of toponyms and tribal names proper to authors of that period, different approaches to the perception of historical process, not to speak about a possibility of falsifications make it complicated to examine the issue. The difficulty also lies in the fact that some sources provide contradictory information that makes us doubt in their veracity. Therefore, the topic certainly deserves a detailed study.
The article analyzes the Italian Republic foreign policy stance on the Syrian civil war. The internal and external factors affecting the official Rome foreign policy decision-making process examined. Particular attention in this context is paid to the effects of the global financial-economic crisis which converted Italy into one of the «sick counties» of the European Union.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.