Authoritarian regimes differ by the degree to which the leader is constrained in his ability to influence the decision-making process. It has been argued that unlimited executive can either lead to adverse economic policy outcomes or improve economic performance. In this work, I reassess the effect of executive constraints on economic performance. While most of the previous research in this area focuses on regime typologies, I use observable indicators of power personalisation in 90 autocratic countries from 1960-2010 and estimate their effect on economic performance. I focus on power concentration, the extent of the decision-making power of chief executives and leaders’ ability to dismiss the elites form political institutions as the indicators for measuring leaders’ ability to influence the decision-making process. I discover that countries, where leaders are able to stay in office longer and are able to change the cabinet, concentrate more power in their hands and tend to be more opportunistic. The results imply that strong leaders establish such power-sharing mode that allows them to act in a self-interest way.
This study analyzes 25,516 cases of violation of the European Union law by 28 Member States from 1993 to 2018. I strive to determine the national level determinants of differentiation in the pool of member countries by the total number of the EU law violations. As a key method of analysis, logistic regression is used, where factors of GDP per capita (PPP), polarization of the parliament, fragmentation of the party system, regional strategies and quality of governance are used as country attributes. The analysis demonstrates that all country attributes are significantly related to all four quartiles of the outcome, which rank member states depending on the number of violations during the period under review: from the smallest share of violated directives (Q1) to the largest share of violated directives (Q4). The results of the study demonstrate the empirical relevance of the theoretical perspective of “worlds of compliance” formulated by G. Falkner et al. (2007) for the categorization of EU member states in their reactions to the compliance efforts of the EU.
Most researchers believe that states that are rich in natural resources are more able to maintain stability than those in which they are absent. The research problem touches upon the exceptions that do not fit into this proposition. Based on the idea that the state’s ability to extract resources imposes on it certain obligations to secure a public contract, the author hypothesizes that the quality of government is a mediating factor in the influence of resource dependence on the stability of autocracy. This factor is operationalized as the ability to pursue the declared policy and to distribute the public goods effectively. Using the Cox regression, the author carries out the survival analysis, which made it possible to substantiate this assumption statistically. The hypothesis was theoretically substantiated and observed in some examples of resource rent economies. The analysis showed that the of survival time of the authoritarian regime increases if the indicators of quality of government are high. The author tackles the issue of quantitative measurement of resource dependence and argues in favor of using the share of natural resources rents in GDP as such indicator. The article also provides the analysis of limitations and possibilities of Cox regression in analyzing the survival of autocracies and makes suggestions for improving the proportional hazards model.
The present comparative study focuses on the British anti-migrant media discourse of two key periods of migration policy - before and after Brexit. The methodological basis of the work constituted the theory of social actors of van Leuven (2008), the conceptual opposition “us” and “them” by T. van Dijk (1989), and the agenda-setting theory of M. McCombs and D. Shaw (1972). Using a comprehensive analysis of the selected material and the methods of modern computer linguistics, the authors set themselves the task of identifying changes in the tonality of media discourse, key strategies for representing migrants as social actors, and analyzing the media agenda of various political stance with regard to the recent referendum. The data obtained demonstrate the prevalence of the criminalization strategy of migrants in conservative media and their victimization in liberal media both before and after the referendum. However, after the Brexit, there is a shift from a clearly negative tone of media texts of both views to more neutral rhetoric. An analysis of the agenda shows that significant political events unambiguously affect the number of publications in the media in general. However, the strategies used to represent migrants are predefined by the political views of publications
The article was devoted the research of correlation between apartment to the church and political preferences of orthodox believers. The author analyzed the data “Socialnay stratifikaciay sovremennogo rossiiskogo obshestva”. He looks for connection between apartment to the church and voting for “United Russia”. The researcher make conclusion that variables have feeble statistical significance connection.
This article presents the outcomes of empirical research in the mono-industrial town in the Perm region. This research is a part of the empirical survey conducted in five Russian towns in the Perm, Ivanovo, and Tambov regions in 2011–2015 and 2018–2019 through in-depth interviews with local politicians, public officials, entrepreneurs, and local and regional experts. The purpose of the study was to identify and evaluate changes that occurred in the power relations in a mono-industrial town between the two stages of the research. The outcomes of the study show that the power hierarchy and the relations within it over the past 8 years have changed significantly, yet many of the essential characteristics of urban politics have been preserved and reproduced. The role of the town-forming enterprise in the political process decreased along with a decrease in the economic potential of the plant and the refusal of the enterprise owners to be actively involved in urban politics. After the town and district structures of the municipal government merger, serious tensions within the local elite disappeared, resulting in the formation of a new configuration of actors. Whereas earlier there were three approximately equal centers of power (leadership of the town, district, and town-forming enterprise), now there is no serious political competition in the community, while the local elite constitutes a single team. The new configuration of the top actors and the nature of the relationships between them do not allow explain them in terms of urban regime in its classical interpretation.
In the article the author considers question of impact of constitutional design on longevity of single-party dominance. Depending on the type of executive selection author divides regimes into two categories – parliamentary and presidential. Based on studying of theoretical prerequisites about differences between parliamentarism and presidentialism on impact of dominant party on electoral outcomes, ideological identification of incumbent and opposition, complexity problems with the electoral campaigns organization author develops hypothesis about parliamentary regimes are more durable. As a result of conducting of one-way ANOVA test absence of statistically significant differences between parliamentary and presidential regimes on durability of single-party dominance.
The research analyzes the impact of the parliament structure on budget expenditures in Russian regions. According to the partisan theory, political parties represented in parliaments carry out a political course in concordance with their ideology. Thus, politics influences economy. Using regression analysis, in our paper we test the hypothesis that left political parties increase social expenditures. We use dataset containing information from 2005 to 2013 about actual regional budget expenditures for constructing index of political ideology based on left/right scale. It has been found out that that left parliaments increase social expenditures by reducing a share of spending on the national economy. Moreover, increase in social expenditures causes redistribution of money between different items of social spending.
In this article we are talking about the gubernatorial election in the Lipetsk region, on 14.09.2014. In the article author explaines the political situation before the election and the interaction of the political actors during the election campaign. According to the author, the election campaign in the Lipetsk region, in spite of the specific regional features inherent in Lipetsk political discourse, is subject to significant influence and national trends, which deprives her attractiveness and entertainment, and reduces the likelihood of an unpredictable outcome.
The article examines the tactics of forgetting as a strategic instrument of the politics of memory of East Asian countries. These types of forgetting are explicated on cases of Indonesia and Japan. In the case of Indonesia, the phenomenon of forgetting is manifested in the historical memory of the violence against the political rivals of the ruling regime and ethnic minorities in the 1960s and 1980s. In the case of Japan, the phenomenon of forgetting was studied in the politics of memory of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Japan — South Korea bilateral relations. To reveal the specifics of the approach of East Asian countries to the implementation of their politics of memory, the typology of forgetting proposed by the English sociologist Paul Connerton was used. Authors demonstrated specific features of the East Asian approach to the politics of memory. This research revealed similarities and differences of Japanese and Indonesian approaches to the forgetting. Analysis of these cases helped to identify difficulties of East Asian countries to find mutual understanding in issues of interpretation of their historical past. The possibility of reaching mutual agreements in the medium-term agenda is not visible.
The article presents a comparative analysis of the pension reform coverage by three Russian TV channels – Channel One, TV Rain, and RT. The discussion of reform was analyzed from June 16, 2018, when the corresponding bill was introduced to the State Duma, to October 3, when it was signed by the President and was published. The media coverage of this news on selected TV channels differs significantly. Channel One was focusing the audience’s attention on the benefits of pension reform as before the TV address of the President the main source of formal approval of the reform was from federal officials and citizens. After August 29, regional representatives were included in the media discussion, which can partly be explained by the upcoming elections. Opposed to Channel One, there was no active participation of regional representatives in reporting on pension reform on TV Rain, yet the expert community was included, which still did not guarantee the representation of alternative positions as the channel adhered to a skeptical attitude towards the reform. The RT, which target audience is foreigners, showed the low intensity of pension issue discussion. Nevertheless, this channel was actively covering nationwide actions against the raising of the retirement age, which is unusual for the federal channel mainly focusing on positive aspects of the reform. During the elections, the RT included the pension issue to agenda: low voter turnout and the defeat of the ruling party in several Russian constituent entities were regarded as a result of increasing the retirement age.
The study presented in this article is a continuation of research into European institutional discourse at the time of the European migrant crisis. The research is based on a collection of official texts of the British government and the European Union published in 2014 and 2015. The key methods employed are the methods of computational linguistics and critical discourse analysis. The study has revealed significant differences between discourses of the European Union and Great Britain in reference to the evaluation of the current situation concerning refugees and the attitude towards them. Also, the present study proves that in the official discourse of the British government devoted to the issue of excessive migration, there were no prerequisites for "Brexit" due to uncontrollable migration.
The article analyzes the role of the Unified State Exam in History in forming the repertoire of the usable past, which determines the content of the national identity. The analysis of the examination tasks has revealed different commemorative density of the periods of Russian history. The author states that the exam is integrated into the official narrative of the millennial past and can serve as a tool for constructing the historical views of younger Russian citizens.
The authors examine political texts of the French theorists of liberalism – JeanJacques Rousseau and Benjamin Constant – in the context of the ratio between individual freedom and interests of the state. In their theoretical constructions, Rousseau and Constant have many similarities, as well as certain differences related to the peculiarities of the political situation at the time of their life and work. Their political concepts could undergo some corrections due to the political conjuncture. The intellectuals had to respond to high rates of political transformations, increasing attention to the individual or, on the contrary, to the public interest. The question of the ratio between individual freedom and state interests is still relevant in all polities claiming adherence to democratic principles. Therefore, the study of the dialogue between the two French liberal thinkers resonates with contemporary political practice.
After the 2002-2003 electoral reform the vast majority of Russian regions had to elaborate new regional electoral regulations from scratch. There was a stark contrast among them in such a dimension of the electoral systems as electoral threshold. The present essay analyses the causes of this cross-regional variations over the period from 2003 to 2013. It is shown that there were three main causes of these variations: structural characteristics of the regional political and societal systems, the influence of the Federal Center and the regional political regimes.