Authoritarian regimes differ by the degree to which the leader is constrained in his ability to influence the decision-making process. It has been argued that unlimited executive can either lead to adverse economic policy outcomes or improve economic performance. In this work, I reassess the effect of executive constraints on economic performance. While most of the previous research in this area focuses on regime typologies, I use observable indicators of power personalisation in 90 autocratic countries from 1960-2010 and estimate their effect on economic performance. I focus on power concentration, the extent of the decision-making power of chief executives and leaders’ ability to dismiss the elites form political institutions as the indicators for measuring leaders’ ability to influence the decision-making process. I discover that countries, where leaders are able to stay in office longer and are able to change the cabinet, concentrate more power in their hands and tend to be more opportunistic. The results imply that strong leaders establish such power-sharing mode that allows them to act in a self-interest way.
Most researchers believe that states that are rich in natural resources are more able to maintain stability than those in which they are absent. The research problem touches upon the exceptions that do not fit into this proposition. Based on the idea that the state’s ability to extract resources imposes on it certain obligations to secure a public contract, the author hypothesizes that the quality of government is a mediating factor in the influence of resource dependence on the stability of autocracy. This factor is operationalized as the ability to pursue the declared policy and to distribute the public goods effectively. Using the Cox regression, the author carries out the survival analysis, which made it possible to substantiate this assumption statistically. The hypothesis was theoretically substantiated and observed in some examples of resource rent economies. The analysis showed that the of survival time of the authoritarian regime increases if the indicators of quality of government are high. The author tackles the issue of quantitative measurement of resource dependence and argues in favor of using the share of natural resources rents in GDP as such indicator. The article also provides the analysis of limitations and possibilities of Cox regression in analyzing the survival of autocracies and makes suggestions for improving the proportional hazards model.
The article was devoted the research of correlation between apartment to the church and political preferences of orthodox believers. The author analyzed the data “Socialnay stratifikaciay sovremennogo rossiiskogo obshestva”. He looks for connection between apartment to the church and voting for “United Russia”. The researcher make conclusion that variables have feeble statistical significance connection.
In the article the author considers question of impact of constitutional design on longevity of single-party dominance. Depending on the type of executive selection author divides regimes into two categories – parliamentary and presidential. Based on studying of theoretical prerequisites about differences between parliamentarism and presidentialism on impact of dominant party on electoral outcomes, ideological identification of incumbent and opposition, complexity problems with the electoral campaigns organization author develops hypothesis about parliamentary regimes are more durable. As a result of conducting of one-way ANOVA test absence of statistically significant differences between parliamentary and presidential regimes on durability of single-party dominance.
The research analyzes the impact of the parliament structure on budget expenditures in Russian regions. According to the partisan theory, political parties represented in parliaments carry out a political course in concordance with their ideology. Thus, politics influences economy. Using regression analysis, in our paper we test the hypothesis that left political parties increase social expenditures. We use dataset containing information from 2005 to 2013 about actual regional budget expenditures for constructing index of political ideology based on left/right scale. It has been found out that that left parliaments increase social expenditures by reducing a share of spending on the national economy. Moreover, increase in social expenditures causes redistribution of money between different items of social spending.
In this article we are talking about the gubernatorial election in the Lipetsk region, on 14.09.2014. In the article author explaines the political situation before the election and the interaction of the political actors during the election campaign. According to the author, the election campaign in the Lipetsk region, in spite of the specific regional features inherent in Lipetsk political discourse, is subject to significant influence and national trends, which deprives her attractiveness and entertainment, and reduces the likelihood of an unpredictable outcome.
The study presented in this article is a continuation of research into European institutional discourse at the time of the European migrant crisis. The research is based on a collection of official texts of the British government and the European Union published in 2014 and 2015. The key methods employed are the methods of computational linguistics and critical discourse analysis. The study has revealed significant differences between discourses of the European Union and Great Britain in reference to the evaluation of the current situation concerning refugees and the attitude towards them. Also, the present study proves that in the official discourse of the British government devoted to the issue of excessive migration, there were no prerequisites for "Brexit" due to uncontrollable migration.
The article analyzes the role of the Unified State Exam in History in forming the repertoire of the usable past, which determines the content of the national identity. The analysis of the examination tasks has revealed different commemorative density of the periods of Russian history. The author states that the exam is integrated into the official narrative of the millennial past and can serve as a tool for constructing the historical views of younger Russian citizens.
The authors examine political texts of the French theorists of liberalism – JeanJacques Rousseau and Benjamin Constant – in the context of the ratio between individual freedom and interests of the state. In their theoretical constructions, Rousseau and Constant have many similarities, as well as certain differences related to the peculiarities of the political situation at the time of their life and work. Their political concepts could undergo some corrections due to the political conjuncture. The intellectuals had to respond to high rates of political transformations, increasing attention to the individual or, on the contrary, to the public interest. The question of the ratio between individual freedom and state interests is still relevant in all polities claiming adherence to democratic principles. Therefore, the study of the dialogue between the two French liberal thinkers resonates with contemporary political practice.
After the 2002-2003 electoral reform the vast majority of Russian regions had to elaborate new regional electoral regulations from scratch. There was a stark contrast among them in such a dimension of the electoral systems as electoral threshold. The present essay analyses the causes of this cross-regional variations over the period from 2003 to 2013. It is shown that there were three main causes of these variations: structural characteristics of the regional political and societal systems, the influence of the Federal Center and the regional political regimes.
The aim of this paper is analysis and synthesis of methodological approaches in research on national identity change. In result of literature analysis, this paper outlines methodological approaches that allow tracing of national identity change. These approaches are classified as broad and narrow ones. Broad methodological approaches encompass analytical and discursive approaches. Narrow approaches include sociological methods and the study of components of national identity: representation of significant Other, representations of the past and threat construction. The author concludes that the study of national identity transformation requires a set of complementary approaches, as even when society experiences a conflict, a drastic and long-term change of national identity that would touch upon multiple realms of society is not guaranteed. Sociological methods of identity research capture national identity shift. Yet, they fail to reveal an array of complex interrelationships between identity elements which are particularly relevant for population with mixed identities. Discursive approaches are more appropriate when analyzing the change in meaning construction. In International Relations, where national identity considered to be a factor that affects state behavior, there is a need to develop methodological approaches for research of hegemonic identity. Discursive construction of threat and metha- analysis of literature on national identity change in the post-soviet space are potentially interesting for future research. These would be valuable and timely studies in a changing regional context.
Evaluation of the sub-national level democracy in the context of the postcommunist transition calls for tools relevant to this specific case. In the article a new index is suggested for evaluating democratic and authoritarian trends in postcommunist Russia at the sub-national level; N. Petrov’s hypothesis about partial democratization in authoritarian regions during early 2000s is verified. The article presents the index structure, its theoretical argumentation (concepts of R. Dahl, T. Vanhanen, G. Almond and S. Verba, A. Hirschman), methods of calculation, and general results and conclusions for the period from 1997 to 2015. Prospects and limitations of the democracy index proposed are discussed through the example of Ukraine.
The problem of party system institutionalisation measurement has been widely investigated by various scholars. In this paper, I suggest one more criteria of party system institutionalisation measurement based on the estimation of stability of electoral support and voting geography of permanent parties within party systems. I argue that the quality of party support stability serves a good indicator of a party performance and highlights the level of loyalty of a party’s electorate. The more loyal electoral support of permanent parties within party systems the more institutionalized party systems. The more the share of electoral support of permanent parties within the number of total support of parties the more institutionalized the party. The methodology is tested on ten EU countries.
The article provides a theoretical review of institutional inertia and the conditions for its emergence through the example of Russian social policy. Although the process of inertia is natural, research debates concerning its reasons are still ongoing. The review systematizes the approaches to the notion of institutional inertia and the conditions for its occurrence. In the first part, the description and interrelation of the concepts of institutional inertia and ‘path dependence’ are presented. Then, approaches to the notion of modernization, changes in public values, the context of authoritarian modernization, and interest groups are described. In conclusion, the author offers positive and negative explanations for the emergence of institutional inertia in Russia’s social policy. The positive assumption justifies inertia with the necessity to partially resolve or postpone the solution of the problem, due to the lack of successful and elaborate solutions on certain issues. The negative explanation justifies the unwillingness of state authorities, elites and interest groups to redistribute economic resources and to improve institutions to solve problems.
Coalitions are the most widespread form of government in European parliamentary systems. Coalition building is a complex process which conditions are defined by formal and informal institutions dominating in a state. In the corridor of opportunity created by “the rules of the game” parties play as rational actors whose efforts finally result in emergence of a new coalition. Understanding the logic of the process allows to forecast the projects of future coalitions directly after the elections. This paper validates the elaboration of an integrated multiple-approach model explaining coalition building in Germany.
The paper analyzes two aspects connected with the development of respect for human rights: the process of promoting human rights in contemporary Russia and academic discussions on the idea of their universality. Based on the first approach, the author analyzes changes in the attitude of the Russian government and society to the conception of human rights, including the evolution of human rights education and the development of such a national institute of human rights as the Ombudsman institution. The paper demonstrates a noticeable shift from civic education based on human rights priorities to the patriotic training of a citizen loyal to any activities of officials. The efforts of NGOs are in opposition to this trend, but NGOs themselves need protection. Accordingly, the interest of Russian political scholars in human rights issues is diminishing. A brief analysis of academic discussions demonstrates growing doubts about the universality of the conception of human rights in Russian publications and the absence of such doubts in international publications. There is gradually developing a new self-sustained field of research in human rights, less connected with jurisprudence, political science, sociology, etc., which may result in the ‘tension of notions’ described by Giovanni Sartori. The development of such an interdisciplinary scientific field as political science of law or jurisprudence political science is proposed as an answer to this dangerous trend.