Lustration Matters: a Radical Approach to the Problem of Corruption
Do radical anticorruption measures such as lustration reduce corruption by systematically limiting the political participation of former authoritarian actors? While research has largely overlooked the role of transitional justice in addressing corruption, some scholars claim that lustration may increase corruption by reducing bureaucratic expertise. Analyzing original panel data from 30 post-communist states from 1996 to 2011, we find that lustration is effective in lowering corruption. Lustration disrupts the political, economic, and administrative malpractice of the preceding regimes by limiting opportunities for corruption of former communist elites. To illuminate the causal mechanism, we examine the cases of Estonia, which has adopted lustration and lowered corruption; Georgia, which has reduced corruption since first considering lustration; and Russia, which has not adopted lustration and maintains high levels of corruption. This study breaks new ground with a novel system-level explanation and an integrative approach to causation for the entire post-communist world.
The Handbook of Business and Corruption provides an overview of corrupt business practices in general and, more particularly, in different industry sectors, considering such practices from an ethical perspective.
The author sums up the results of the sociological study of the political orientations of people's deputies of the Russian Federation, held in June 1990. These orientations were evaluated according to three criteria: the right — the left; authoritarianism—democracy; and plebiscitarian democracy—predisposition to / estrangement from. 466 deputies were polled, which is 44 per cent of the total number. The poll showed that the political mentality of a great part of MPs was still at the formative stage. The author describes the predominant political views of the MPs as "slightly right of the centre". He goes on to state the attitudes of the deputies to the key economic, social, ethical and other problems this country faces. The influence of "imperial ideology" is very insignificant. The controversial issue of the attitude to the October 1917 revolution plays the role of a splitting factor. The author singles out three sufficiently homogeneous groups in terms of their political selfindentification: the deputies who support Communists alone or Communists and some other parties — 41 per cent; deputies with an exclusively social-democratic orientation, or supporting social democrats plus some other parties except Communists — 36 per cent; deputies who support any parties except Communists or social democrats or those who still have no party orientation—23 per cent. Those belonging to the party/state nomenklatura make up the core of the "communist" group, intellectuals play the same role among the "social democrats". The author believes that political mentality of Russia's deputies will evolve towards the right, with the growing importance of the "social democrats" and the diminishing role of the "communists".
Negli anni '80 Aleksandr Minkin era un giovane giornalista russo all'inizio di una brillante carriera come critico letterario e teatrale. Durante il suo tour in Asia centrale, si rivolse al giornalismo investigativo, riferendo delle circostanze instabili in periferie sovietiche, dipingere un quadro per il pubblico sovietico del lato brutale del bolscevica modernizzazione, come ad esempio monocoltura del cotone in Uzbekistan, lo sfruttamento dei contadini, il diffusione di deformità e malattie nei bambini a causa di abuso di defolianti e pesticidi nelle zone rurali, la corruzione diffusa, così come l'arretratezza sociale generale delle zone più remote del dell'URSS. Nel 1988, la rivista Ogonek pubblicato famoso pezzo 'khlopkorab' di Minkin (slave cotone) - denunciando per la prima volta sulla stampa sovietica lo sfruttamento del lavoro minorile nei campi di cotone - così come altri articoli che rivelano l'uso di pericolosi defoliante Butifos, e la diffusione di malattia nella repubblica. Questi articoli hanno fatto scalpore e sono stati al centro di un dibattito politico durante la perestroika che entrambi hanno emozionato. Minkin è stato brutalmente attaccato dalla stampa ufficiale e dalla sorveglianza dei servizi di sicurezza. Tuttavia, la campagna per screditare lui non poteva coprire gli scandali interamente, e Minkin diventato un simbolo di giornalismo libero, e una figura intellettuale liberale in Russia post-sovietica,
Results of the regime change which took place in 2014 are summarized with the empasis on 5 basic choices made: (1) Liberal economic and political reforms vs 'besiged fortress' mobilization model; (2) Hybrid regime vs authoritarian regime (elite vs nomenklatura); (3) Empire (inside and outside) vs Russian nation state; (4) Soft power vs hard power; (West vs a pivot to Asia;
This is the first annual special issue of the International Organisations Research Journal published in English. It presents a collection of papers focused on the G8/G20 summitry performance, the division of labor emerging over the period of their co-existence, their comparative strengths and limitations, and how the future G8 – G20 partnership can be improved to the benefit of both, prosperity and well-being of their citizens, sustainable and balanced growth of world economy. Though the papers present the analysis and insights of the authors, they are the outcome of a collaborative research of the International Organisations Research Institute of the University Higher School of Economics and the Munk School of Global Affairs of the University of Toronto. The collection also draws on the wisdom of a network of international experts including analysts from the World Bank, Royal Institute for International Relations of Belgium, University of Ghent and Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security (IFANS) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Republic of Korea. It opens with reflections from Dr. Vadim Lukov, Ambassador-at-Large, Deputy Representative of the President of Russia in the G8, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Coordinator for G20 and BRIC Affairs, which combine unique practical experience and analytical assessments. Most of the papers and research findings were debated in the international conference “Partnership for Progress. From the 2010 Muskoka – Toronto Summits to the Seoul Summit” organized by the International Organisations Research Institute of the University Higher School of Economics with support of Oxfam and the Department for International Development of the United Kingdom.
The paper analyses the process of establishment and development of the national system of international development assistance in Russia. The analysis covers the period starting from 2005 when key national priorities for international development assistance were defined and amounts of foreign aid were substantially increased on the threshold of Russia’s G8 Presidency preparations. The emerging structure of governance, the aid flows and amounts of allocated ODA, as well as the funding priorities in the sphere of development assistance are described on the basis of the analysis of official documents, statements and speeches of officials, reports of international institutions, and statistics available for public access. Russia’s participation in multilateral international organizations and institutions in the sphere of development cooperation is also considered. Drawing on the results of the analysis the author proposes recommendations for further development of the national system of international development assistance in Russia.
The article examines the main trends in the study of the Stalinist period and the phenomenon of Stalinism in connection with the mass opening of the archives.