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Juxtapositional vs. possessive-like encoding in Russian specificational constructions
This paper presents the first in-depth corpus-based study of a previously overlooked syntactic variation in Russian: the competition between juxtapositional (Nominative) and possessive-like (Genitive) encoding of the second noun (the term) in specificational constructions (e.g., ponjatie čest’ (notion.NOM honor.NOM) vs. ponjatie česti (notion.NOMhonor.GEN) ‘the notion of honor’). While typological research has established cross-linguistic preferences for one encoding strategy over another, intralinguistic variation of this kind has remained unexamined. This paper investigates this variation in Russian across two domains: 1) peripheral constructions with proper names (astronyms, holiday names), 2) core specificational constructions with common noun hypernyms (sortals) like ponjatie ‘notion’, javlenie ‘phenomenon’. Using quantitative data from the ruTenTen17 corpus, the paper identifies and statistically tests a set of factors governing the choice of encoding, including (1) semantic interpretation of the term, (2) lexical semantics, (3) “valency” properties of the sortal, (4) frequency. The “use vs. mention” hypothesis receives partial confirmation: juxtapositionally encoded terms resist modification by restrictive relative clauses and show constraints on binding relative pronouns, consistent with their status as “labels”. However, they are not entirely syntactically inert; they bind anaphoric pronouns effectively and do not differ in discourse status from possessive-like forms. The variation appears to stem from two competing semantic prototypes within the construction: one where the sortal is semantically prioritized (aligning with juxtaposition) and another where the term is prioritized (aligning with the possessive-like encoding). The inherent mixed referentiality of the construction and its peripheral status in the grammar prevent a complete grammaticalization of either option, resulting in a stable, multi-factor variation.