. For the Russian Empire, the Catholic question was one of the most important domestic issues throughout the 19th century; it was the question of building relations with its western regions, primarily with Poland, in which the Catholic clergy was the driving force of the struggle for political independence of the country. In this context, in the second half of the 19th century the Government of the Russian Empire considered maintaining a dialogue with the Holy See as a way to preserve stability in the Western regions of the Empire. Also, for Alexander III, this was a symbolic act illustrating Russia's course on demonstrating continuity with the Christian emperors of the Roman Empire. This should emphasize the special position and role of Russia in Europe. The image of Russia as a Christian empire, its course on the preservation of traditional values was contrasted with the image of the liberalegalitarian Western Europe, which was seized by revolutionary sentiments during this period. A unique historical source on the foreign policy of the Vatican in Eastern Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century and the Holy See-Russian relations is the correspondence of Pope Leo XIII and Russian Emperor Alexander III. From 1881 to 1894, Pope Leo XIII sent about ten official letters and to each of them received an official response from the Emperor. The main materials reporting the history of relations supported by Leo XIII with Alexander III, as well as with Grand Prince Vladimir Alexandrovich Romanov, are kept in the Apostolic Vatican Archive (sections “Spoglio Leone XIII” and “Segr. Stato: parte moderna”), the Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari fund, the Russian Empire Foreign Policy Archive (funds Vatican and Chancery), Russian State Historical Archive.
The article deals with the mechanisms of adoption of monuments and urban street sculpture by a folkloric tradition: the appropriation of unofficial names, the appearance of humorous descriptions, the completion of the composition of monuments, and so on.
Within a brief historical period, BRICS as an inter-State association has become an influential player in the world economy and politics. BRICS is a primarily political entity, and in that regard, the BRICS grouping correlates with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). However, not all the expectations placed on the SCO by the founding countries at the time of its creation in 2001 have been met so far. The question is to what extent expectations may be fulfilled in case of BRICS.
The article identifies the effect of personalization of politics: its definition is given, the determinants and possible consequences are considered. That effect is illustrated by some features in the Asian and European style of modern political leadership.