Особенности эколого-экономического моделирования взаимосвязи уровня здоровья, состояния окружающей среды и предложения труда
The paper provides an empirical analysis of the impact of disability status on employment and hours worked in Russia. We use data from the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey for 2004–2014 and apply propensity score matching. Our results show that disability status has a significant effect on labor supply of the disabled even if health problems are thoroughly controlled for. Disability status is associated with stable and significant negative effect on employment. At the same time, we do not find a consistent impact of disability status on hours worked.
Traditionally, research interest focuses on those employed and unemployed in the labor market while relatively little attention is paid to people classified as economically inactive. However, changes in inactivity rates are a key of labor supply due to large number of potential workers among this group. The article identifies trends in economic inactivity in Russia, characteristics of inactive people, and reasons for inactivity comparing inactivity rates in Russia and OECD countries. The text is based on the Russian Labor Force Survey data for 2013. Sickness and family responsibilities are the main difference in economic inactivity rates between men and women. Sickness and disability is a major reason for economic inactivity among men in working age while majority of women of the same age are inactive as a result of family/home responsibilities. Inactivity rates vary considerably by level of educational attainment. Employment potential of the Russian economically inactive people is low. Its increase suggests institutional and economic reformations aimed at increasing the employment rates of older workers and youth.
This paper models household demand for childcare and mothers' labour force participation in Romania. The model estimates the effects of the price of childcare, mothers' wages, and household characteristics on household behaviour with respect to childcare and maternal employment. We find that both the maternal decision to become employed and the decision to use out-of-home care are sensitive to the price of childcare. A decrease in the price of care can increase the number of working mothers and thus can reduce poverty in some households. We also find that the potential market wage of the mother has a significant positive effect on the decision to purchase market care and on the decision to engage in paid employment. The level of household non-wage income has little effect on maternal employment and on the demand for childcare.
The availability and cost of child care play an important role in the decisions that households make about allocating labor and choosing between informal home care and ECD.A mother’s decision to join the labor force is based on her expected earnings compared with the costs of available day care. Insufficient child care options could be a barrier for women with children to join the labor force (for example, Kimmel 1998). The custodial role of ECD centers frees female household members for other activities and allows mothers to enter the labor market. The additional income newly employed mothers bring home can be significant and may lift some households out of poverty. In the longer term, the increased work experience may also lead to increased job skills and higher earnings for household members. Better employment options, in turn, may decrease the reliance of low-income families on government subsidies and increase their self-sufficiency.Research in developing countries also indicates that females other than the mother, especially young daughters, provide free child care, releasing mothers for paid work (for example, Deutsch 1998). For example, Psacharopoulos and Arriagada (1989) find that in Brazilian households, the presence of younger siblings has a negative effect on school attendance of older children. In El Salvador, girls missed more school than boys because they stayed home to help with chores (Bittencourt and DiCicco 1979). Deolalikar (1998) finds significant differences in girls’ (but not boys’) school enrollment in householdswith children under 3 in Kenya. He reports a particularly strong effect for girls attending secondary school. The presence of a child 3 or younger reduces the probability that a girl aged 14–17 would be enrolled in secondary school by 41 percent, conditional on other determinants of enrollment. The corresponding effect for boys is only 5 percent. These studies indicate that when child care centers are unavailable or too costly, older siblings are more likely to provide child care.