Liberal political and legal theory has enjoyed a remarkable resurgence since the mid-twentieth century. The emergence of global constitutional thought is closely coupled with its rise to prominence. Yet many theorists of global constitutionalism are wary of acknowledging their ‘liberal’ commitments. This chapter makes the case that at the deepest level of interpretation, prominent theorists of global constitutionalism are ‘liberals’ in all but name. Through a double critique of the liberal foundations of their thought, an argument is advanced that there are unanswered questions about the best way of understanding and grounding a global constitutional order beyond liberal theory.
This book sheds new light on the continuing debate within political thought as to what constitutes power, and what distinguishes legitimate from illegitimate power. This book concludes by arguing that the Russian experience provides a useful lens through which ideas of power and legitimacy can be re-evaluated and re-interpreted, and through which the idea of “the West” as the ideal model can be questioned.
The article introduce translation of John Rawls's research "The Law of Peoples". This lection was written in 1993 and has not been translated into Russian before. This article analyses the conception of international justice extended by Rawls considering its terminology, methodology and basic points. International justice is explored in correlation with rawlsian fundamental theory of justice. But through the special scope conception of international justice based on liberal values goes beyond liberal societies and gives a framework for transformation of international law and policy.
An attempt of research of a ratio of the theory and practice in François Guizot scientific and public work is undertaken in this article. Guizot is the central figure of the French liberalism of the first half of the XIX century. The theory and practice of this thinker synthesized liberalism and conservatism.
The article is devoted to the influence of the Spanish Constitution of 1812 to the constitutionalism of the Russian Empire in the first quarter of the XIX. The author demonstrates the attention of different circles of Russian society to the national liberation movement of the Spanish people against France in 1808-1814 and to the Revolution of 1820-1823 in Spain as well as the Spanish events coverage in the Russian press. Effect of inspiring of the Fundamental law of 1812, enacted in Spain also in 1820 is noticed to be an example for the Russians to pursue for their Motherland. Particular attention is given to the constitutional ideas of members of secret societies, the future of the Decembrists, the motion of which is studied in the context of the "military revolution" in Europe. The researcher analyzes the influence of the Spanish constitution of 1812 on P.Pestel, author of "Russkaya Pravda" (project of the Southern secret society) and N. Muraviev who prepared the constitutional project, which we can study in three editions.
The book consists of chapters (articles) devoted the South-European constitutionalism of 1812, when two constitutions were adopted (in Spain and Sicily). Napoleon at that time not only won a few countries, but founded new states, gifted constitutions to some new and old states. Adoptions of constitutions in Cadiz and in Palermo in 1812, were events of extraordinary importance. They demonstrated a protest against Napoleonic wars and defense the right of nations to decide their future and way of development.
This article is about alternative strategies of constitutional transformation in the period of elaboration of the Russian Constitution of 1993. The author analyses historical origins of basic constitutional principles such as parliament democracy, separation of powers and different forms of government and their interpretation during political crisis of the period under consideration.
This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of “left” and “right” political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey (2002–2003). It also compared the importance of personal values and sociodemographic variables as determinants of political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories, prevailing culture, and socioeconomic level of three sets of countries—liberal, traditional, and postcommunist. As hypothesized, universalism and benevolence values explained a left orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity and tradition values explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in postcommunist countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than sociodemographic variables in liberal countries, more weakly in postcommunist countries, and about equally in traditional countries.