Понятие действия в феноменологии этико-морального субъекта П. Рикёра
What role does play the notion of action in the Ricoeur’s phenomenology of ethical and moral oneself? How does the ethical oneself become an actor? How does the notion of action help Ricoeur to formulate the phenomenological picture of political entity? The answers on these questions organize the base of this research and refer to such names as Aristotle and Hannah Arendt, who take a significant influence to Ricoeur by his creating the concept of ethical and moral oneself.
This collective monograph, written by well-known Russian linguists, tpresents a broad picture of the way the language of mass media functions. The book gives a multifaceted analysis of how politics influences the language of mass media. This is a core problem of the mass media language, as politics represents the main content in mass media. The issue is treated in a semiotic, functional-stylistic, ethical and rhetoric aspects. The monograph examines in detail the language of print and electronic media (newspapers, magazines, television, radio). The language of foreign mass media is analyzed in a comparative aspect. The monograph shows the contemporary state of the mass media language and its influence on development of the literary language.
The monograph would be useful to students, PhD students and lecturers at journalism departments and schools of language studies, as well as to a wide range of readers, who are eager to preserve the purity and expressiveness of the Russian language.
The article shows the importance of philosophy Ricker for theoretical sociology. Perspectives of sociology associated with a combination of theories and theories of action events. Action theory developed in sociology and theory of events is not. Ricoeur philosophy - one of the possible intellectual resources in order to change this situation.
The action is considered of a group of totally positive units of a real cubic Galois field on the border of convex hull of its totally positive integers. In case of so called regular fields the fundamental domain of this action has a simple description.
This article discusses current approaches to the study of morality as a predictor of individual behavior. Integration of personological and socio- psychological approaches opens new perspectives for considering the relationship between moral judgment and moral action. «Self» is considered as a «point of intersection». «Moral Self» is the center of attention in a number of personological as well as socio — psychological research directions. The total consideration of three factors — cognitive aspects of the morality (representations, values, judgments), the components of Self (moral self-esteem and the place of morality in the structure of Self) and situational infl uences (threat / support of the moral Self) — allows to predict individual behavior.
In the United States and many Western democracies, the individual personalities of voters rather than their social locations in various interest groups are presumably becoming decisive for political choice. This shift may reflect declining distinctiveness and extremity of parties as they seek the political center, increased complexity of political issues, growing interdependence among political units, and greater concern in the electorate with social relations and intimacy.
Early research on personality in politics dealt mainly with the dispositions, attitudes, and motives of voters and leaders. A broad literature attests to the merits and limitations of these approaches. More recent studies show that basic personal values largely mediate the effects of individuals’backgrounds and personality traits on voting behavior and on their core political attitudes. The 2006 ANES Pilot Study provided the first assessment of the role of basic personal values in politics in a representative American sample.
The present catalogue contains abstracts for some 150 volumes, among which books, periodicals, miscellanies, published by the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the principal institute in Russia for academic research in all kinds of philosophical knowledge. These works, written by eminent Russian scholars, cover such fi elds as the history of Russian, Western and Oriental philosophy, ethics and aesthetics, synergetics and epistemology, social and political philosophy and concentrate on problems that have attained particular importance in the age of globalization and growth of national self-consciousness.
Subnational political units are growing in influence in national and international
affairs, drawing increasing scholarly attention to politics beyond national capitals.
In this book, leading Russian and Western political scientists contribute to
debates in comparative politics by examining Russia’s subnational politics.
Beginning with a chapter that reviews major debates in theory and method,
this book continues to examine Russia’s 83 regions, exploring a wide range of
topics including the nature and stability of authoritarian regimes, federal politics,
political parties, ethnic conflict, governance and inequality in a comparative perspective.
Providing both qualitative and quantitative data from 20 years of original
research, the book draws on elite interaction, public opinion and the role of
institutions regionally in the post-Soviet
years. The regions vary on a number of
theoretically interesting dimensions while their federal membership provides
control for other dimensions that are challenging for globally comparative
studies. The authors demonstrate the utility of subnational analyses and show
how regional questions can help answer a variety of political questions, providing
evidence from Russia that can be used by specialists on other large countries
or world regions in cross-national
Situated within broader theoretical and methodological political science
debates, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of Russian politics,
comparative politics, regionalism and subnational politics
The December protests in Moscow do not represent a “Russian Spring,” “Orange Revolution,” or new version of Perestroika. Rather they have more in common with the Progressive movement that fought corruption in the U.S. during the early part of the twentieth century. The demonstrations made clear that Russian citizens now want to play an active role in their country’s political life.