Война как массовый протест
The article is devoted to the analysis of different aspects of representation of past and future wars, as well as the portrayal of the enemies in the “Pioneer” magazine. In the 1930s, these subjects and images became an important element of Soviet education, forming the official narrative. They were repeated in the summaries of party and state documents presented to the readers. Furthermore, they invaded works of fiction and the speech patterns of the pioneers themselves. As a result of this—by the time the war started—a whole generation acquired an understanding of what they were fighting for, who the enemy was and what was at stake. Using materials from the “Pioneer” magazine from 1932–1941, one can see how publications aimed at children were educating their readers, forming their consciousness, and preparing the youth to fight a war with the capitalist states. Magazines published for Soviet pioneers in the 1930s have not yet been researched to a satisfactory degree. Researchers usually focus their attention on the continuity vis-a-vis previous traditions and practices, pointing to trends that were common for pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary publications. These studies are usually limited to the period of the early 1930s and do not cover events of the second half of that decade, putting emphasis on the formation of the pioneer press instead. This article is broadening our view of Soviet press for children, helping to better understand the causes of heroic behavior of the young generation mobilized to defend their country during the Great Patriotic War.
The summer of 2018 will be remembered as the beginning of the US trade war against China. The authors examine the origins of the conflict, which has become a challenge to the entire system of regulation of multilateral trade relations. The arbitrary unilateral actions of The trump administration pose a threat not only to China. The interests of many countries and businesses, including the us, are affected; it is not easy to assess the numerous consequences of the unfolding economic confrontation. The article attempts to make a preliminary inventory of the main lines of confrontation between the two superpowers, problems and prospects of settlement of the us-China trade conflict.
In what follows I make two interrelated claims: 1. It is necessary to understand terrorism as a communicative action, not as a negative label. There are thus 5 major types of terror actions (Affective, Traditional, Value-Rational, Rational and Hyper Rational), which have little in common. The term ‘terrorism’ itself is an empty abstraction and it is impossible to ‘fight terror’. 2. Terrorism may be and often is much more morally constrained than ‘warrism’. Terroristic struggle is, at least in theory, morally superior to war. Two case studies (Russian terrorism and Chechen terrorism) are provided as empirical justification of the claims.
The end of the Cold War greatly contributed to the spread of thesis that the military power as a means of achieving states' goals within the rules and institutions based global liberal order had become completely obsolete. Indeed, the number of direct military engagements among nations (interstate wars) has been on its historically lowest level for the post-Cold War period, though militarized conflicts within stated in the problem-ridden areas have not lost their severity. However, this same period has seen over 45% worldwide military expenditures rise, and quite a few states have acquired more sophisticated military hardware. These facts support the assertion that today military power is still being taken into account, it is used as a means of achieving goals and influences the behavior of states even without being applied to adversary, or if conflict has not escalated enough to call it a full-scale war. Two hypotheses are proposed and tested in the article. They may help to explain why states continue to invest scarce resources into maintaining their military potentials and procurements of weapon systems, which may never be used in combat. Firstly, we hypothesize that the available military potentials of states allow to determine to what extent and which states rely or do not rely on this component of the national potential of influence in the world (i.e. for whom the military power has not become obsolete). Secondly, countries for which military power has not become obsolete demonstrate generally similar configurations of components of military power (i.e. evolution of the militaries of these states may show strong similarities). To test the proposed hypotheses, quantitative methods have been used to analyze data on 98 countries of the world at two points in time (2005 and 2015/2016). The cluster analysis in general confirms our hypotheses. The comparison of clusters as of 2005 and 2015/2016 indicates that the states under similar external conditions (for example, constant external pressure, rivalry with neighbors, etc.) build up (or lose) similar components of the military power.