Book
Новые международные отношения: основные тенденции и вызовы для России
The chapter deals with relations between Russia and the countries of the African continent. The author analyses the Soviet legacy in this sphere, but pays the main attention to the contemporary situation. She looks into the reasons for Russia's interest in Africa, the spesific forms of cooperation between our country and Africa and of their economic and political relations. She alo assesses the prospects and possibilities of these relations.
The chapter is devoted to the evolution of the post-Soviet space after 2014. The causes of the Ukrainian crisis and its consequences for Ukraine, Belarus and Russia's positions in the post-Soviet space are analyzed. Separately analyzed new trends in domestic and foreign policy of Belarus.
In the world there is a rapid growth of interest in environmental issues. It brings to Russia both opportunities and risks. First connected with the country's exceptional wealth of natural capital, the value of which in time it only increases. The second - with a high level of contamination on a significant part of the country and passive environmental policies. Russia's participation in international environmental cooperation has always reflected the low priority of environmental issues on the domestic agenda and was subordinated primarily to the solution of foreign policy tasks. However, at present, among the political and business elites of Russia, the awareness of the importance of environmental issues is increasing, and as a result, in the near future Russia may become more involved in international environmental initiatives.
The book undertakes to assess whether political realism as an International Relations theory still helps us to understand the foreign policies of key European actors. The contributors ask whether foreign policy actors in Europe understand the international system and behave as realists. They ask what drives their behaviour, how they construct material capabilities and to what extent they see material power as the means to ensure survival in a post-Cold War context apparently marked by growing instability. The contributors use or contest realism in its different forms in order identify continuity or change in the foreign policy of key European actors.
The article takes stock of the reflections developed in a project originated in 2015 when intellectual interaction between Russia and the West was rapidly degrading to mutual accusations and verbal fights with the aim to provide a forum for analysts and political practitioners from Russia, Europe, the United States, and China to conduct a constructive dialogue and ultimately move from producing endless recriminations and claims to discussing the future of Russia's role in international afairs and, naturally, the future of the world as a whole.
This book is the first study that analyses bilateral commercial treaties as instruments of peace and trade comparatively and over time. The work focuses on commercial treaties as an index of the challenges of eighteenth-century European politics, shaping a new understanding of these challenges and of how they were confronted at the time in theory and diplomatic practice. From the middle of the seventeenth century to the time of the Napoleonic wars bilateral commercial treaties were concluded not only at the end of large-scale wars accompanying peace settlements, but also independently with the aim to prevent or contain war through controlling the balance of trade between states. Commercial treaties were also understood by major political writers across Europe as practical manifestations of the wider intellectual problem of devising a system of interstate trade in which the principles of reciprocity and equality were combined to produce sustainable peaceful economic development.
Russia’s interventions in Ukraine and Syria are designed to force the U.S. to accept a new “grand bargain” about the future of world order. Drawing on bargaining theory, the article argues that any such bargain suffers from acute commitment problems. Russia cannot convince the U.S. that there are limits to its revisionism, while the U.S. is unable to reassure Russia that it won’t renege on any agreements as Russian power declines. President Donald Trump has hinted at détente. But as long as these underlying commitment problems remain unresolved, the two sides will continue their slide towards a new Cold War.
According to the current concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, soft power should take an important place in the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation. Meanwhile, at the present stage, thinking, both Russian political circles that adopt foreign policy decisions, and the Russian expert-scientific community's views on the soft influence in international relations, contain a number of conceptual flaws. These flaws do not allow an objective and relevant analysis of the possibility and prospects for the soft influence of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Proceeding from this, the article offers a genealogical analysis of the two most successful forms of soft influence - "soft power", which is a significant tool for pursuing US foreign policy and the "normative force of Europe," in which most of the foreign policy directions of the European Union are implemented. The analysis proposed in the article allows, firstly, identify the conceptual structure of both studied forms of soft power, and secondly, to compare these structures, which allows us to affirm the fundamental, quality genealogical uniqueness of each of the two forms of soft power in contemporary international relations. In addition, the analysis allows for a more conceptual approach to the problem of the possibility of Russia's soft influence, as well as to abandon the popular research focus on financing the soft influence of one or another participant in international relations.
From the 1980s, the concept of the new world order for a long time remained almost synonymous with the ideas of Western domination. However, because of globalization we see that today the new world order is being established on some other and more fair principles because the United States and the West continue to gradually weaken. With regard to the decline of u.s. leadership and the rise of the developing countries we expect that no country can substitute for the United States as the hegemonic power. Thus, the World System will continue its development in the future without an absolute leader. So, in the next decades the global political landscape will undergo dramatic changes. We are at the outset of a very complex, contradictory, and long process of creating a new world order. The directions, forms, and results of the processes of its transformations to a great extent depend on the changing balance of world forces and on different geopolitical factors and combinations. Philosophy faces many problems with respect to the creation of a new world order. Without doubt philosophers can do much to make better and more humane the world order that is being created. © 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. All rights reserved.
The article analyzes the Italian Republic foreign policy stance on the Syrian civil war. The internal and external factors affecting the official Rome foreign policy decision-making process examined. Particular attention in this context is paid to the effects of the global financial-economic crisis which converted Italy into one of the «sick counties» of the European Union.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.