The Russian ruble and other former Soviet Union currencies: Issues of mutual convertibility
The paper analyzes how the occupational group of in-house lawyers developed in Poland and Russia during the state-socialist and post-socialist period. These two countries constitute the most contrasting cases of socialist transformation in the region in terms of legal traditions and of the broader socio-political context. The comparative analysis uses the conceptual framework of the sociology of professions. In particular, the modified “actor-based framework for the study of the professions” proposed by Burrage, Jarausch and Siegrist (1990) is used as the main heuristic tool. The analysis summarized in the paper shows that (1) there had been significant discrepancies between the status of the in-house-lawyer occupation in both countries despite the seemingly similar political framework of the state-socialist regime; (2) Polish in-house lawyers were able to establish an integrated system of professional associations as early as at the beginning of the 1980s (3) and to transform it into a full-fledged professional self-regulation system very soon after the collapse of the state socialism; (4) Soviet and later Russian in-house lawyers have remained atomized and never made any serious attempt to create a self-regulating organization; (5) there was a process of partial “advocatization” of legal professionals who practiced in-house during the state-socialist period. The term “advocatization” means a change in the form of professional practice from employment relationship to service-for-fee practice. This process could be observed in both countries, but it took very different forms due to the differences in institutional changes which were described above. The “advocatization” of Polish in-house lawyers took place within the self-regulatory institutions. In the Russian case, it happened in form of individual migrations of practitioners into the Bar which lost control over admission at that time.
A choice between Russian Non-Black Earth and Virgin Soil regions in the context of agricultural development of the Soviet Union was discussing virtually during the whole post-war period. The controversy dealing with the regional priorities assumed a sharp political character and demonstrated the traditional perception of center and periphery of the country. New sources - memoirs and archival materials, enable better understanding of the decision-making.
A choice between investments into the Russian Non–Black Earth or Virgin Soil regions was discussed during the entire post–war period. Emphasizing the priority importance of Virgin Soil's plowing, Khrushchev by no means ignored the agricultural problems of Non–Black Earth: he kept in mind the order of priorities with limited resources. The resistance to the strategy of raising Virgin Soil was firmly linked to the activity of the so-called anti-party group. This stereotype didn't lose its topicality after Khrushchev's dismissal. Having put forward in the first half of the 1970s the initiative to support Non–Black Earth, former Virgin Soil activists L.Brezhnev and M.Solomentsev tried not to stress controversy between the two regional and economic strategies. Yet before perestroika Russian creative intelligentsia began to express its discontent with the treatment of Central Russia as the second Virgin Soil, demonstrating the archetypal perception of the center and periphery of the country. The Non–Black Earth program failed to compete with all-union and industrial programs, including those implemented on the Russian territory. The system however didn't exclude direct contacts between regional leaders and the “first person” in the state. Supervising agriculture since the end of the 1970s, M.Gorbachev as a representative of the Russian South didn't initially understand the significance of Non–Black Earth. At the beginning of the 1980s Brezhnev declared, that it was high time for national republics to help Russia. In the second half of the 1980s Non–Black Earth received resources previously assigned for the turn of northern rivers - a project with anti-Russian reputation. Under the conditions of economic crisis works in the Non–Black Earth region were stopped. After the collapse of the USSR the discussion on alternatives of regional development during the Soviet period assumed a special acuteness. New memoirs and archival materials enabled better understanding of the decision–making in post-war Soviet Union. The author traces the way from the local reforms' experience to macro-regional programs and setting tasks in all-union scale. A difficult choice of regional priorities intertwined with the struggle for power and determining the model of development, competition between union republics and various Russian regions, inter-agency rivalry, opposition between bureaucracy and public opinion with the influence of certain public moods on the officials.
The article considers similarities and differences between China's and the Soviet Union's approaches to the post-war international orger.
There are over thirty million disabled people in Russia and Eastern Europe, yet their voices are rarely heard in scholarly studies of life and well-being in the region. This book brings together new research by internationally recognised local and non-native scholars in a range of countries in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. It covers, historically, the origins of legacies that continue to affect well-being and policy in the region today, discusses disability in culture and society, highlighting the broader conditions that construct disability and in which disabled people must build their identities and well-being, provides in-depth biographical profiles that outline what living with disabilities in the region is like, and examines policy interventions, including international influences, recent reforms and the difficulties of implementing inclusive, community-based care. The book will be of interest both to regional specialists, for whom the problem of declining standards of health and well-being is a crucial concern, and to scholars of disability and social policy internationally
Various forms of dictatorship have been a context in which SBS have been developing through most of the 20th century. Nazi and fascist regimes in Europe, Communist single-party states, military juntas in Latin America and elsewhere in the post-colonial world accompanied the crisis of tradition and development of modernity as an alternative to liberal democracy. Dictatorships have thoroughly affected the history of SBS pursuing a policy of repression and control and, sometimes, encouraging a growth of various social science disciplines. The lack of intellectual and institutional autonomy is generally endured, though to different degrees and in different aspects, by SBS under dictatorship.
Smoking is a problem, bringing signifi cant social and economic costs to Russiansociety. However, ratifi cation of the World health organization Framework conventionon tobacco control makes it possible to improve Russian legislation accordingto the international standards. So, I describe some measures that should be taken bythe Russian authorities in the nearest future, and I examine their effi ciency. By studyingthe international evidence I analyze the impact of the smoke-free areas, advertisementand sponsorship bans, tax increases, etc. on the prevalence of smoking, cigaretteconsumption and some other indicators. I also investigate the obstacles confrontingthe Russian authorities when they introduce new policy measures and the public attitudetowards these measures. I conclude that there is a number of easy-to-implementanti-smoking activities that need no fi nancial resources but only a political will.
One of the most important indicators of company's success is the increase of its value. The article investigates traditional methods of company's value assessment and the evidence that the application of these methods is incorrect in the new stage of economy. So it is necessary to create a new method of valuation based on the new main sources of company's success that is its intellectual capital.