Эволюция роли Президента в системе разделения властей в Российской Федерации
The constitutional and legal basis which affected the current ratio of powers of institute of presidency in the Russian Federation and the supreme bodies of the government is analyzed in the article with use of historical, comparative and system approaches. The author considers evolution of system of division of the authorities from the moment of adoption of the USSR Constitution of 1977 till the present period, based on theoretical and applied material. In the article the author considers the validity of views of various researchers on the developed place of the Russian President in system of division of the authorities. At the same time the author reasons the thesis about inexpediency of allocation in the Constitution of the Russian Federation along with three classical branches of the power, a presidential branch at a present stage of the state construction, and also defines further stages in development of a role of the Russian President in a system of division of the authorities.
Rethinking the standard theory of democratic transition the author shows the uneven character of Central Asian political regimes. He sketches different strategies of political modernization in order to represent the impact of Post-Soviet constitutional reforms regarding such items as separation of powers, parliamentarism, presidential power and the role of political leadership. He discusses the importance of constitutional developments for traditional societies in transition, and concludes that post-communist constitutional development in the region is still far from complete.
The author analyzes from general perspectives of the management theory how the concept of separation of powers is implemented in education, and how it can be improved in the future. It is shown in the article that in a period since 2004, when an administrative reform started and the united Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation began its work, and till spring 2012, when the government of the Russian Federation changed, reauthorization from the legislative to the executive branches and from regional to federal authorities took place. Issues and risks of centralization of powers are considered with specific reference to management practices. Also, options for solving the problem of centralization of powers given by different power structures are analyzed, other solutions to this problem are offered.
Corruption, fake news, and the “informational autocracy” sustaining Putin in power
After fading into the background for many years following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia suddenly has emerged as a new threat—at least in the minds of many Westerners. But Western assumptions about Russia, and in particular about political decision-making in Russia, tend to be out of date or just plain wrong.
Under the leadership of Vladimir Putin since 2000, Russia is neither a somewhat reduced version of the Soviet Union nor a classic police state. Corruption is prevalent at all levels of government and business, but Russia’s leaders pursue broader and more complex goals than one would expect in a typical kleptocracy, such as those in many developing countries. Nor does Russia fit the standard political science model of a “competitive authoritarian” regime; its parliament, political parties, and other political bodies are neither fakes to fool the West nor forums for bargaining among the elites.
The result of a two-year collaboration between top Russian experts and Western political scholars, Autocracy explores the complex roles of Russia’s presidency, security services, parliament, media and other actors. The authors argue that Putin has created an “informational autocracy,” which relies more on media manipulation than on the comprehensive repression of traditional dictatorships. The fake news, hackers, and trolls that featured in Russia’s foreign policy during the 2016 U.S. presidential election are also favored tools of Putin’s domestic regime—along with internet restrictions, state television, and copious in-house surveys. While these tactics have been successful in the short run, the regime that depends on them already shows signs of age: over-centralization, a narrowing of information flows, and a reliance on informal fixers to bypass the bureaucracy. The regime’s challenge will be to continue to block social modernization without undermining the leadership’s own capabilities.
"The Global Obama" examines the president’s image in five continents and more than twenty countries. It is the first book to look at Barack Obama’s presidency and analyze how Obama and America are viewed by publics, governments and political commentators around world. The author of "Barack Obama in Hawaii and Indonesia: The Making of a Global President" (Top 10 Black History Book) scaled the globe to gather opinions -- cultural, historical and political analyses -- about Obama’s leadership style. Writers, journalists, psychologists, and social scientists present their views on Obama’s leadership, popularity, and many of the global challenges that still remain unsolved. As a progress report, this is the first book that tries to grasp ‘the Obama phenomenon’ in totality, as perceived by populations around the world with special focus on America's leadership.
This article focuses on the American experience of guaranteeing decisional independence of judges. Historically the United States turned to be the pioneer in the area of legislative regulation of the status of judiciary power. With forming the normative base of both functioning of judiciary and the status of judges the following factor (which was repeatedly emphasized by the Founding Fathers) was taken into consideration: actual separation of powers is impossible without independent judiciary, and thus institutional independence of judiciary is impossible without decisional independence of individual judges. The article includes some comments of American judges regarding the essence generating prestige and institutional independence of the American judiciary and the qualities necessary for a good judge. The article also describes the doctrine of judicial activism.
This article is about alternative strategies of constitutional transformation in the period of elaboration of the Russian Constitution of 1993. The author analyses historical origins of basic constitutional principles such as parliament democracy, separation of powers and different forms of government and their interpretation during political crisis of the period under consideration.
The paper examines the structure, governance, and balance sheets of state-controlled banks in Russia, which accounted for over 55 percent of the total assets in the country's banking system in early 2012. The author offers a credible estimate of the size of the country's state banking sector by including banks that are indirectly owned by public organizations. Contrary to some predictions based on the theoretical literature on economic transition, he explains the relatively high profitability and efficiency of Russian state-controlled banks by pointing to their competitive position in such functions as acquisition and disposal of assets on behalf of the government. Also suggested in the paper is a different way of looking at market concentration in Russia (by consolidating the market shares of core state-controlled banks), which produces a picture of a more concentrated market than officially reported. Lastly, one of the author's interesting conclusions is that China provides a better benchmark than the formerly centrally planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe by which to assess the viability of state ownership of banks in Russia and to evaluate the country's banking sector.
The paper examines the principles for the supervision of financial conglomerates proposed by BCBS in the consultative document published in December 2011. Moreover, the article proposes a number of suggestions worked out by the authors within the HSE research team.
The article is devoted to a particular form of freedom of assembly — the right to counter-demonstrate. The author underlines the value of this right as an element of democratic society, but also acknowledges the risk of violent actions among participants of opposing demonstrations. Due to this risk, the government may adopt adequate measures restricting the right to counter-demonstrate, certain types of which are analyzed in this paper.
Development of standards of international controllability is reviewed in the article. Institutional approach is applied to development of international legal regime of Energy Charter. Definition of controllability is connected to development of international standards of dispute settlement, which are described in the article in detail. In connection with controllability, Russian interest, defense of investment in European Union and ecological investment encouragement, is reviewed in the article.
мировое управление и управляемость, Мировая экономика, международное экономическое право, энергетическая хартия, International control and controllability, International economics, international economic law, Energy Charter
международное частное право; недвижимость; ; школа бартолистов; бартолисты; теория статутов; статуарная теория/