Illicit Transnational Enterprises and the State
This article aims at contributing
to the current debate over the
effects of illicit transnational activities on
states. Recent avenues of conceptualizing
transnational organized crime call for defining
it as an economic activity with the
scope of profit, rather than a criminal activity.
Illicit transnational business activities
largely follow the trends in development
of legal business. The transnational
criminal enterprises emerged in parallel
to the growth of multinational corporations,
making use of the same opportunities
as legal business did. The article
discusses violence by illicit enterprises
and reviews current theoretical debate
on the linkages between illicit enterprises
and the state. The paper then proceeds
with an empirical analysis of the effects
of the presence of illicit enterprises
on state weakness. We have hypothesized
that weak states may have higher presence
of criminal businesses. The findings
generally confirm significant correlation
between the two variables. State fragility
is positively correlated with the presence
of organized crime. Testing these results
against empirical evidence partially confirms
the findings. However, this correlation
might be weakened by the observation
that the presence of illicit enterprises
alone does not determine state fragility
The international team of authors from all over the world is united in the book by the disire to work out some practical guide lines against violence. Violence reigns supreme in our political and even daily life. Violence is the major threat to mankind. Nevertheless we do not really understand the scope of the threat. The book addresses the problem of violence from all possible perspectives. The major concern of the book is the practical applicability of nonviolence. The authors claim that our world can and should be nonviolent and that is the only possible way to save the planet and ourselves.
The questions of violence and child abuse, as well as opportunities to study the incidence of violence and ill-treatment of children by means of the ICAST-C questionnaire are studied in the paper. The author carries out a constructive analysis of the ICAST-C questionnaire, checks its reliability and validity.
The report presents the results of the study of claims-making in the LiveJournal posts about police and prison violence in Russia. The study is based on two cases: violence against the detainee Sergei Nazarov in the police department "Dalny" in Kazan in March 2012, which became the cause of his death, and open letters sent by Pussy Riot member Nadezhda Tolokonnikova from penal colony located in Mordovia in September and October 2013. The data highlight, firstly, the dominant retranslating function of the blogosphere and its weak mobilizing function, secondly, the similarity of rhetorical idioms used in these two cases, in particular, the rhetoric of endangerment (to citizens from authorities) and rhetoric of calamity (focused on Vladimir Putin’s presidency), third, attempts to legitimize violence against detainees and prisoners, fourthly, the systemic bloggers’ perception of processes in Russian police, prisons and penal colonies, fifth, the dominance of civic and sarcastic styles of claims-making in the blogosphere.
The article deals with the problem of normative evaluation of war and mass violence. The doctrines of Realism, Pacifism, Militarism, Realism and Just War are the most widely used theoretical and normative tools of this evaluation and normative practice. The latest developments have brought the Just War theory to the fore. The peak of popularity of the Just War Theory may prove, nevertheless, to be its swan's song. The recent theoretical findings as well as the political applications of this ethical theory in Kosovo and Iraq, have proved to be somewhat less then adequate, to say the least. Theoretically it hovers uneasily in between Militarism and Pacifism, pragmatically it may work as a smoke screen for the most hideous forms of agression and an instrument of the wide scale information war. The author of this article is holding that we must not put aside the idea of the morally constrained war, it may be modified. The result of this modification may be entitled Necessary War doctrine. The necessary war differs significantly from the just war, it is closer to pacifism and less prone to theoretical critisism. The foundations of this doctrine has been laid by Russian philosopher Ivan Ilyin.
The traditional narrative of the Russian Civil War is one of revolution against counterrevolution, Bolshevik Reds against Tsarist Whites. Liudmila Novikova convincingly demonstrates, however, that the struggle was not between a Communist future and a Tsarist past; instead, it was a bloody fight among diverse factions of a modernizing postrevolutionary state. Focusing on the sparsely populated Arkhangelsk region in Northern Russia, she shows that the anti-Bolshevik government there, which held out from 1918 to early 1920, was a revolutionary alternative bolstered by broad popular support. Novikova draws on declassified archives and sources in both Russia and the West to reveal the White movement in the North as a complex social and political phenomenon with a distinct regional context. She documents the politics of the Northern Government and its relations with the British and American forces who had occupied the ports of Murmansk and Arkhangelsk at the end of World War I. As the civil war continued, the increasing involvement of the local population transformed the conflict into a ferocious "people's war" until remaining White forces under General Evgenii Miller evacuated the region in February 1920.
Thematic volume of the Gosudarstvo, religija, cerkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom (2/33, 2015) entitled “Hristianskij Vostok: gosudarstva i mezhkonfessional'nye svjazi” [Christian Orient: The States and Interconfessional Relations]; edited by Dr. N. Seleznyov.
The January uprising, 1863-1864 was estimated by its contemporaries as a turning point not only in the Polish history and Russian-Polish relations, but also in the fate of the Russian Empire and nation-building. Though Russian evaluations varied dramatically depending on political and ideological preferences of conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries, they had some common features. In Soviet period many old approaches to the history of uprising were forgotten, it was examining in the narrow framework of formational and class paradigm and progressive international revolutionary cooperation. In post-Soviet period transformation of theoretical basis of historical studies in spirit of pluralism was accompanied by rebirth of the old approaches with both positive and negative consequences.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.