This article aims at contributing to the current debate over the effects of illicit transnational activities on states. Recent avenues of conceptualizing transnational organized crime call for defining it as an economic activity with the scope of profit, rather than a criminal activity. Illicit transnational business activities largely follow the trends in development of legal business. The transnational criminal enterprises emerged in parallel to the growth of multinational corporations, making use of the same opportunities as legal business did. The article discusses violence by illicit enterprises and reviews current theoretical debate on the linkages between illicit enterprises and the state. The paper then proceeds with an empirical analysis of the effects of the presence of illicit enterprises on state weakness. We have hypothesized that weak states may have higher presence of criminal businesses. The findings generally confirm significant correlation between the two variables. State fragility is positively correlated with the presence of organized crime. Testing these results against empirical evidence partially confirms the findings. However, this correlation might be weakened by the observation that the presence of illicit enterprises alone does not determine state fragility or strength.
This article is devoted to studying the motives, preferences, and market entry barriers for Russian high-tech start-ups and small innovative enterprises (SIE) that took part in the “Startup Village” event held at Skolkovo Innovation Centre in May 2019. Due to limitations in neoclassical theories, corporate motivation at the micro-level cannot be accurately quantified. Thus, this work uses survey and interview methods to gather primary data directly from top representatives of participating enterprises. In total, about 100 participants were interviewed. Every respondent expressed intentions to engaged in foreign economic activity; half of them already have experience operating outside of Russia. Further, 44% intend to sell their business or intellectual property rights outright, with only 12% ready to cooperate in a join venture.
Based on the analysis of the results, the corporate motives of Russian startups and SIEs going abroad is in seeking: new markets (17.3%), improved efficiency (20.0%), resources (40.0%), and strategic assets (22.7%). This is diverges significantly from the average estimates made by UNCTAD in 2005/2006, where they found motivation from foreign companies in developing and transition economies to be 51%/22%/13%/14%. Against this background, Russian innovative enterprises appear far more resource-oriented and more interested in finding strategic assets. However, they are notably less interested in acquiring new markets or efficiency gains.
Additionally, the preferences in foreign partners by Russian enterprises exhibit some variety. Many choose the CIS countries (mainly Belarus and Kazakhstan) and BRICS nations (primarily China) as desirable partners. Most also express interest in developed economies in the EU (namely Germany). Among the main barriers to establishing foreign relations is the lack of personal finances and other key resources, as well as a lack of state support in promoting Russian companies abroad.
Based on the obtained results, impactful recommendations are offered to the government of the Russian Federation to strengthen the investment motivation of Russian innovative enterprises. Also, recommendations are given to advance the international cooperation of BRICS in the form of joint global value chains (GVCs) using their own innovative capability.
Currently, international relations
and the global order are in turmoil
and disorder. The bases of the international
order and the means by which it was regulated
are in the process of being dismantled,
such as the central considerations of
the Treaty of Westphalia that guided international
politics and diplomacy for centuries.
As the world becomes increasingly polarised
into different opposing and competing
geopolitical camps, the question needs
to be asked, why is this happening? The answer
seems to lie, at least in part, in a rapidly
evolving and changing system of global
political hegemony, where liberal democracy
is on the wane. This is also further
influenced by the declining economic
and military power of the West, where
the US is still the unipolar hegemony, but
is declining in its hard power and ability
to manage/control international affairs
as it was able to do in the 1990s (such as
the First Gulf War in 1990–91 and Kosovo
in 1999). This paper analyses the rise and
decline of the West, and the international
consequences and results. A conclusion
of this paper, although the West is significantly
weakened in terms of its political,
military and economic power, it is trying
to stave off its decline. Therefore, the ‘New
Cold War’ is an important element in this
strategy as a means to try and unite a divided
and wary domestic audience by attempting
to invoke the spectre of a foreign
‘threat’ and to do this through the concept
of a crisis. A crisis represents an extraordinary
situation, which if accepted, becomes
the basis for applying extraordinary mea sures to ‘rescue’ the public from the hazard.
It is a means to try and bargain the public’s
freedom for their sense of security.
The article considers the essence and peculiarities of realizing of human security in the EU external policy in general and specifically in Africa. The article reveals the principles of the EU interest in Africa as a focus of their humanitarian policy: phantoms of the collective memory of the political class of Western European countries, huge potential of resources and markets, migration and terrorist threat. It is argued that this policy is considered by the EU as its strategic foreign policy narrative, in the course of which the Union, while ensuring the security of the African continent, primarily realizes its own interests. Specific features of the interpretation of this narrative in official documents of Germany as a key member of the EU are specified. It is revealed that Germany aims to play a major role in shaping European policy towards the African continent, and the specificity of its approach is economic-centric, which distinguishes it from the EU’s general approach to Africa. The key question of the article is how is disinterested Germany’s role, despite its permeation with the spirit of liberal values as a supplier of human security to African countries. It is shown that the discrimination of refugees and migrants in migration flows in the EU emphasized the importance of the Union’s activities in ensuring human security in Africa. In accordance with its goal to become the leading actor of the EU policy on the continent, its role as a leader of the liberal world and the peculiarities of the consequences of the migration crisis for the political and party system of the country and the stability of the social state, Germany proposed the German “Marshall Plan” for Africa as a concretization of its humanitarian policy on the continent. The parameters of this Plan, its advantages and implementation difficulties are considered. It is concluded that Germany’s approach to Africa, on the whole, indisputably contributes to the latter’s development. At the same time, it is to a large extent focused on solving the tasks of ensuring national security of Germany itself, promoting the interests of German business, creating new German “reserves” in Africa through the African partnership. In this bi-directional process there is no obvious contradiction, but the results of this process can become ambivalent.
Considering the role of the media in modern society, we need to understand that public opinion about football fans in general is formed out of the information transmitted by the media. The objective of the study is to analyze the different views and aspects of the Euro 2012: its influence on countries development; its profitability but also the behavior of fans – their cooperation and rivalry. However, contemporary scholarship on sports sociology and football fandom subcultures does not recognize class impact on the near-football movement. European Football Championship 2012 showed problems of development and regulation of football fanaticism. It is essential to see how events on Euro 2012 in Poland, collision and confrontation Polish and Russian fans were reflected in Russian, Polish and UK press “Sport-Express”, “Soviet Sport”, “Rossiyskaya Gazeta”, “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Gazeta Polska”, “The Independent” and “The Guardian”. Football fans’, organization, and culture require precise studies, not only for understanding of current situation, but, perhaps, also for the development of an adequate strategy of interaction with them in the run-up to the World Cup in 2018. It is also necessary to identify not only the relationship of this movement to the different sectors of society, but also a subculture itself and its image in public opinion shaped by the media. In the era of globalization, understanding of youth subcultures is complicated and leads to a paradox. At the moment, there is a modification of the fan movement. On the one hand, we see the transition from bullying to the cultural «fanatism»; on the other hand, the question arises, if the bullies were an integral part of this culture, do we talk about the death or rebirth of culture? Youth subcultures in the era of postmodernism and globalization are transformed, into the phenomenon of «postsubculture», and may enhance the destructive tendencies in the spiritual life of the young generation, increasing the level of nihilistic attitudes. It should also be noted that the movement of football fans is becoming mainstream. There has been an increase in the popularity of fandom in society. This is due to the attention to this phenomenon in the media, in the cinema and fiction.
The process of ideological and political transformation of American conservatism under the influence of foreign policy factors in the XXI century is discussed in the article. Foreign policy concepts of various types of American conservatism (neoconservatism, traditionalism, social conservatism, libertarianism, paleoconservatism) are studied based on Michael Frieden’s method of «ideological morphology». Two main directions of the conservative foreign policy (interventionism and isolationism) have been identified. The analysis of the foreign policy aspect of Trumpism as US version of contemporary populism is presented in the light of the ideological approach. The characteristics of Trumpism as «thin-centred» ideology, which based on the antithesis of «the pure American people» and «the corrupt Washington elite» and a concept of «common will of the people», are under investigation in the paper. The research shows, that Trumpism uses concepts of «host» ideology (conservatism) to form its discourse. The connection between the international agenda of Trumpism and isolationist and protectionist ideas of paleoconservatism is determined. The influence of conservative ideological attitudes on the evolution of US foreign policy in the XXI century is traced.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the consequences of the referendum on the UK’s membership in the European Union. The causes that contributed to the radical transformation of political processes and crisis phenomena in the framework of European integration processes are revealed. It is noted that the crisis of the British model of democracy and the rise of “monitoring democracy”, as well as the constitutional reforms in the UK, which were not brought to a logical conclusion, influenced the effectiveness of political institutions. The range of new complex issues of constitutional, legal, financial, economic, social and humanitarian nature that need to be addressed in the context of brexit is determined. The features of the development and implementation of the strategies of the United Kingdom and the European Union on the negotiation process are considered. The most important stages of negotiations on the problem of developing an agreement defining the conditions and principles of relations between the parties in the post-brexit period are studied. Particular attention is paid to the key controversial issues - the implementation of the financial obligations of the United Kingdom to the EU, guarantees the rights of EU citizens and their families living in the UK, as well as the preservation of the free movement of people, goods, services and capital between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The author analyzes internal and external factors that have a direct impact on the course of the dialogue, arguments and counter- arguments of the parties, the reasons for the change in the positions of the United Kingdom and EU leaders on key issues of cooperation in the new historical conditions. There is a deep split between British society and the main political forces of the country on the issue of withdrawal from the EU. The factors that led the UK to a serious political crisis and the inability to develop an adequate and effective brexit strategy are considered. KEY WORDS:
Starting from the late 2000s, the Post-Soviet states have faced the so-called integration dilemma. Seeking to deepen their trade relations and economic links with the regional centers of force – the European Union and Russia – they found themselves increasingly compelled to choose between two integration projects: either joining the EU As- sociation Agreement and Deep and Compre- hensive Free Trade Area or developing rela- tions with Russia and several other interested members of the CIS under the auspices of the Customs Union and Single Economic Space (Eurasian Economic Union since 2015). This paper purports to demonstrate that, although both tracks were declared to be economic by nature and were not publicly opposing each other, it was geopolitical reasoning that has dominated the deliberations of the five Eastern European members of the CIS in assessing and choosing between the two. The paper contrasts these countries’ political strategies and approaches to the integration dilemma and examines the internal and external factors behind these approaches. We explain why, despite the apparent similarity of the economies and interests of some of the states in question, their political strategies have diverged considerably under changing geopolitical circumstances. Finally, the paper evaluates the prospects of further engagement of Eastern European CIS countries in the integration projects.
The article is devoted to the research into the impact of cross-border mergers and acquisitions, conducted by international pharmaceutical companies in China, on Chinese participation in international pharmaceutical trade. Relevance of the study resides in the importance of mergers and acquisitions as instruments that are widely used in a foreign markets penetration process and that lead to the enhancement of intercorporate trade, thus significantly influencing country’s foreign trade.
International pharmaceutical companies expanded their operations in Chinese market during the last two decades as a result of the market liberalization. Mergers and acquisitions, conducted by international players, have directly or indirectly led to higher growth rates of Chinese foreign trade in pharmaceutical products, to geographic diversification of pharmaceutical exports and to an increase in deliveries from developed countries. China more than doubled its share in global exports of pharmaceutical products and almost quadrupled its share as an importer of pharmaceuticals.
The specific features of Chinese pharmaceutical trade are high growth rates in imports and imports’ significant excess over exports. Substantial proportion of Chinese imports is constituent by pharmaceutical components, that are needed to ensure production of high quality pharmaceuticals in China. Mergers and acquisitions play important role in this process and cause changes in geographical structure of imports. Seven biggest suppling countries, which hold more than two thirds of imports to China, represent the countries of origin of companies that are actively involved into mergers and acquisitions in Chinese pharmaceutical market.
The research results can be used by public regulatory authorities for the elaboration of industrial development policies through stimulating or deterring foreign direct investments. Research can be of use to pharmaceutical companies in formulating competition strategies for domestic and foreign markets.
The article considers the essence and peculiarities of realizing of human security in the EU external policy in general and specifically in Africa. The article reveals the principles of the EU interest in Africa as a focus of their humanitarian policy: phantoms of the collective memory of the political class of Western European countries, huge potential of resources and markets, migration and terrorist threat. It is argued that this policy is considered by the EU as its strategic foreign policy narrative, in the course of which the Union, while ensuring the security of the African continent, primarily realizes its own interests. Specific features of the interpretation of this narrative in official documents of Germany as a key member of the EU are specified. It is revealed that Germany aims to play a major role in shaping European policy towards the African continent, and the specificity of its approach is economic-centric, which distinguishes it from the EU’s general approach to Africa. The key question of the article is how is disinterested Germany’s role, despite its permeation with the spirit of liberal values as a supplier of human security to African countries. It is shown that the discrimination of refugees and migrants in migration flows in the EU emphasized the importance of the Union’s activities in ensuring human security in Africa. In accordance with its goal to become the leading actor of the EU policy on the continent, its role as a leader of the liberal world and the peculiarities of the consequences of the migration crisis for the political and party system of the country and the stability of the social state, Germany proposed the German “Marshall Plan” for Africa as a concretization of its humanitarian policy on the continent. The parameters of this Plan, its advantages and implementation difficulties are considered. It is concluded that the Germany’s approach to Africa, on the whole, indisputably contributes to the latter’s development. At the same time, it is to a large extent focused on solving the tasks of ensuring national security of Germany itself, promoting the interests of German business, creating new German “reserves” in Africa through the African partnership. In this bi-directional process there is no obvious contradiction, but the results of this process can become ambivalent.
To approach political propaganda as a theory is quite rare for the contemporary state of political science. There are lots of disciplinary dimensions that can guide you through your long journey of understanding this conceptual unit. As a result it acquired ambivalent meaning. On the one hand, most of the theorists and empirical scientists firmly state that there is no category as such, on the other hand, some of them may agree that it still exists but it cannot meet its presumptive goals, for instance, socialization, legitimization and etc.
The research question this study will attempt to answer can be formulated from the perspective of theoretical ambiguity of the political propaganda concept in modern science. Taking into account all the previous ideas and models we will try to formulate theoretical and methodological approaches of political propaganda concept.
The article deals with the issue of African American identity in the post-segregation period (after 1968). The problem of African Americans’ “double consciousness”, marked for the first time yet in the late 19th – early 20th century, still remains relevant. It is that descendants of slaves, who over the centuries have been relegated to the periphery of the American society, have been experiencing and in part are experiencing an internal conflict, caused by the presence of both American and African components in their identities. The authors focus on Afrocentrism (Afrocentricity) – a socio-cultural theory, proposed by Molefi Kete Asante in 1980 as a strategy to overcome this conflict and to construct a particular form of “African” collective identity of African Americans. This theory, based on the idea of Africa and all people of African descent’s centrality in world history and culture, was urged to completely decolonize and transform African Americans’ consciousness. The Afrocentrists proposed African Americans to re-Africanize their self-consciousness, turn to African cultural roots in order to get rid of a heritable inferiority complex formed by slavery and segregation. This article presents a brief outline of the history of Afrocentrism, its intellectual sources and essential structural elements, particularly Africology. The authors analyze the concepts of racial identity, “black consciousness” and “black unity” in the contexts of the Afrocentric theory and current social realities of the African American community. Special attention is paid to the methodology and practice of Afrocentric education. In Conclusion, the authors evaluate the role and prospects of Afrocentrism among African Americans in the context of general trends of their identities transformations.
China is currently the only member of the UN Security Council that is actively increasing the quality and quantity of its nuclear potential. Exactly how far China is willing to go in developing its nuclear forces remains a subject of discussion. The prevailing view is that China is seeking to implement a limited increase in its nuclear arsenal in order to secure the potential for a guaranteed re taliation in the face of the US continuously improving its missile defense systems. Since late 1990s, the development of air and naval forces of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has been a subject of increased attention both in Asia and in the world at large. Nuclear potential was not perceived as a priority for China’s development of its military power and remained in the background. However, the events of recent years have shown that the world does not quite realize the true scale of China’s efforts in creating strategic nuclear forces. At this point, it can be perceived as a fait accompli that China has managed to implement most of its long-term program for the modernization of its nuclear forces without attracting too much attention from other major countries and, above all, from the world’s sole superpower.
The article is devoted to the analysis of a number of trends in the foreign and domestic policy of the Republic of Belarus, which are pro-Western and nationalistic in nature. The gradual modern foreign policy of Belarus in the western "vector" is stimulated not only by the Ukrainian crisis, but also by the escalation of the confrontation between Russia and the West, as well as the periodic exacerbations of relations between Moscow and Minsk. The Belarusian leadership is playing a complex political game, called up on the one hand to mask the change of the geopolitical vector, on the other hand to keep access to Russian financial and resource support.
The article is devoted to the problems of the development of modern
relations of Russia, China and the Pacific states of Latin America. Author focuses
on potential of cooperation of these states in multilateral formats and dialogues and
the reform of the economic and institutional order in the Asia-Pacific. The relevance
of such cooperation is increasing due to the crisis of the international order that has
emerged in the Asia-Pacific region. This crisis manifests itself in two aspects. First,
we may observe a certain lack of institutions of regulation of economic relations
and ideas for their further development. Such a complex agenda is shaped by Russia
and China in relation to Eurasia (the concept of “Greater Eurasia”), but the promotion
of a similar agenda in the APEC faces many contradictions. Second, the Asia-Pacific
region is becoming an area of confrontation between the United States and China,
which is also manifested in the struggle for the future configuration of the regional
order in the region. The Pacific countries of Latin America were
not affected by either the Russian or Chinese mega-initiatives of recent years, which
are aimed precisely at creating a new international order. Meanwhile, these countries
are APEC members and participants in many regional initiatives, as well as potentially
significant economic partners for both Russia and China. Moreover, the author believes
that a similar level of economic development and similar needs objectively bring together
the views and approaches of the leading Eurasian powers and the Pacific states of Lat-
in America to the development of multilateral institutions of the regional order. However,
the historically established institutional and political linkage of these countries to
the United States currently determines their support for American initiatives. This provision,
however, is not a given, and some irregularity of the American regional policy under
the Trump administration makes the development of dialogue with these countries on
the broad problems of multilateral cooperation in Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region
even more in demand. The author considers the proposed analysis
and some conclusions as an opportunity for academic and expert discussion on the
The article analyzes Russia’s policy from the point of view of goals formulated by the government in response to challenges in international politics, economics and security, as well as challenges associated with the threat of losing the status of a great power, maintaining territorial integrity and independence. Russia’s dissatisfaction with the existing order of things – when its interests were not taken into account, and the West did not set any limits for itself, advancing its geopolitical interests - had been growing for a long time, however, most clearly manifested itself in the land-mark 2014 when Western sanctions after the Crimean events pushed the Russian authorities and business to more active in the Asia-Pacific. The authors formulate a number of signs of the new regional order of the Asia-Pacific countries, which may develop into a new international (global) order. This type of system, according to the authors, will be more competitive and less hierarchical, within its framework there will not be a single dominant force or ideology, it will be based on a multitude of centers of power. Such a world order is more attractive for Russia than the unipolar Atlantic order. It will give the country the opportunity to use its own comparative advantages, such as territory, resources, hard power, a fairly rigid political organization and the ability to mobilize re-sources for strategic purposes. Nevertheless, it is important to understand that the modern non-Western world is still very amorphous, its future contours are blurred, and Asian business is still weakly responding to the Russian “turn to the East”.
Over the past few years, American military policy in Europe has changed qualitatively. Official Washington was forced to recognize the strengthening of Russian military power and the need to reconsider the role of the European command as a rear, designed to ensure the actions of the Central and African command. Of particular concern to the Pentagon is the Russian potential in areas such as air defense, long-range artillery, anti-tank ammunition and electronic warfare. The United States believes that over the past decade there has been a marked improvement in the quality of Russian troops, their combat readiness and equipment. Under these conditions, the American armed forces are losing their once undeniable and absolute superiority in Eastern Europe. The Americans had to once again increase the number of their armed forces on the European continent (though on the basis of rotation), increase allocations for “deterring Russia” and persistently demand from their European allies to increase defense budgets. OfficialWashington does not exclude the possibility of a large-scale military conflict with Russia in Europe. The new US Nuclear Policy Review of 2018 states that the Russian Federation is ready for the first use of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe.