This article aims at contributing to the current debate over the effects of illicit transnational activities on states. Recent avenues of conceptualizing transnational organized crime call for defining it as an economic activity with the scope of profit, rather than a criminal activity. Illicit transnational business activities largely follow the trends in development of legal business. The transnational criminal enterprises emerged in parallel to the growth of multinational corporations, making use of the same opportunities as legal business did. The article discusses violence by illicit enterprises and reviews current theoretical debate on the linkages between illicit enterprises and the state. The paper then proceeds with an empirical analysis of the effects of the presence of illicit enterprises on state weakness. We have hypothesized that weak states may have higher presence of criminal businesses. The findings generally confirm significant correlation between the two variables. State fragility is positively correlated with the presence of organized crime. Testing these results against empirical evidence partially confirms the findings. However, this correlation might be weakened by the observation that the presence of illicit enterprises alone does not determine state fragility or strength.
This article is devoted to studying the motives, preferences, and market entry barriers for Russian high-tech start-ups and small innovative enterprises (SIE) that took part in the “Startup Village” event held at Skolkovo Innovation Centre in May 2019. Due to limitations in neoclassical theories, corporate motivation at the micro-level cannot be accurately quantified. Thus, this work uses survey and interview methods to gather primary data directly from top representatives of participating enterprises. In total, about 100 participants were interviewed. Every respondent expressed intentions to engaged in foreign economic activity; half of them already have experience operating outside of Russia. Further, 44% intend to sell their business or intellectual property rights outright, with only 12% ready to cooperate in a join venture.
Based on the analysis of the results, the corporate motives of Russian startups and SIEs going abroad is in seeking: new markets (17.3%), improved efficiency (20.0%), resources (40.0%), and strategic assets (22.7%). This is diverges significantly from the average estimates made by UNCTAD in 2005/2006, where they found motivation from foreign companies in developing and transition economies to be 51%/22%/13%/14%. Against this background, Russian innovative enterprises appear far more resource-oriented and more interested in finding strategic assets. However, they are notably less interested in acquiring new markets or efficiency gains.
Additionally, the preferences in foreign partners by Russian enterprises exhibit some variety. Many choose the CIS countries (mainly Belarus and Kazakhstan) and BRICS nations (primarily China) as desirable partners. Most also express interest in developed economies in the EU (namely Germany). Among the main barriers to establishing foreign relations is the lack of personal finances and other key resources, as well as a lack of state support in promoting Russian companies abroad.
Based on the obtained results, impactful recommendations are offered to the government of the Russian Federation to strengthen the investment motivation of Russian innovative enterprises. Also, recommendations are given to advance the international cooperation of BRICS in the form of joint global value chains (GVCs) using their own innovative capability.
Currently, international relations
and the global order are in turmoil
and disorder. The bases of the international
order and the means by which it was regulated
are in the process of being dismantled,
such as the central considerations of
the Treaty of Westphalia that guided international
politics and diplomacy for centuries.
As the world becomes increasingly polarised
into different opposing and competing
geopolitical camps, the question needs
to be asked, why is this happening? The answer
seems to lie, at least in part, in a rapidly
evolving and changing system of global
political hegemony, where liberal democracy
is on the wane. This is also further
influenced by the declining economic
and military power of the West, where
the US is still the unipolar hegemony, but
is declining in its hard power and ability
to manage/control international affairs
as it was able to do in the 1990s (such as
the First Gulf War in 1990–91 and Kosovo
in 1999). This paper analyses the rise and
decline of the West, and the international
consequences and results. A conclusion
of this paper, although the West is significantly
weakened in terms of its political,
military and economic power, it is trying
to stave off its decline. Therefore, the ‘New
Cold War’ is an important element in this
strategy as a means to try and unite a divided
and wary domestic audience by attempting
to invoke the spectre of a foreign
‘threat’ and to do this through the concept
of a crisis. A crisis represents an extraordinary
situation, which if accepted, becomes
the basis for applying extraordinary mea sures to ‘rescue’ the public from the hazard.
It is a means to try and bargain the public’s
freedom for their sense of security.
The article considers the essence and peculiarities of realizing of human security in the EU external policy in general and specifically in Africa. The article reveals the principles of the EU interest in Africa as a focus of their humanitarian policy: phantoms of the collective memory of the political class of Western European countries, huge potential of resources and markets, migration and terrorist threat. It is argued that this policy is considered by the EU as its strategic foreign policy narrative, in the course of which the Union, while ensuring the security of the African continent, primarily realizes its own interests. Specific features of the interpretation of this narrative in official documents of Germany as a key member of the EU are specified. It is revealed that Germany aims to play a major role in shaping European policy towards the African continent, and the specificity of its approach is economic-centric, which distinguishes it from the EU’s general approach to Africa. The key question of the article is how is disinterested Germany’s role, despite its permeation with the spirit of liberal values as a supplier of human security to African countries. It is shown that the discrimination of refugees and migrants in migration flows in the EU emphasized the importance of the Union’s activities in ensuring human security in Africa. In accordance with its goal to become the leading actor of the EU policy on the continent, its role as a leader of the liberal world and the peculiarities of the consequences of the migration crisis for the political and party system of the country and the stability of the social state, Germany proposed the German “Marshall Plan” for Africa as a concretization of its humanitarian policy on the continent. The parameters of this Plan, its advantages and implementation difficulties are considered. It is concluded that Germany’s approach to Africa, on the whole, indisputably contributes to the latter’s development. At the same time, it is to a large extent focused on solving the tasks of ensuring national security of Germany itself, promoting the interests of German business, creating new German “reserves” in Africa through the African partnership. In this bi-directional process there is no obvious contradiction, but the results of this process can become ambivalent.
Considering the role of the media in modern society, we need to understand that public opinion about football fans in general is formed out of the information transmitted by the media. The objective of the study is to analyze the different views and aspects of the Euro 2012: its influence on countries development; its profitability but also the behavior of fans – their cooperation and rivalry. However, contemporary scholarship on sports sociology and football fandom subcultures does not recognize class impact on the near-football movement. European Football Championship 2012 showed problems of development and regulation of football fanaticism. It is essential to see how events on Euro 2012 in Poland, collision and confrontation Polish and Russian fans were reflected in Russian, Polish and UK press “Sport-Express”, “Soviet Sport”, “Rossiyskaya Gazeta”, “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Gazeta Polska”, “The Independent” and “The Guardian”. Football fans’, organization, and culture require precise studies, not only for understanding of current situation, but, perhaps, also for the development of an adequate strategy of interaction with them in the run-up to the World Cup in 2018. It is also necessary to identify not only the relationship of this movement to the different sectors of society, but also a subculture itself and its image in public opinion shaped by the media. In the era of globalization, understanding of youth subcultures is complicated and leads to a paradox. At the moment, there is a modification of the fan movement. On the one hand, we see the transition from bullying to the cultural «fanatism»; on the other hand, the question arises, if the bullies were an integral part of this culture, do we talk about the death or rebirth of culture? Youth subcultures in the era of postmodernism and globalization are transformed, into the phenomenon of «postsubculture», and may enhance the destructive tendencies in the spiritual life of the young generation, increasing the level of nihilistic attitudes. It should also be noted that the movement of football fans is becoming mainstream. There has been an increase in the popularity of fandom in society. This is due to the attention to this phenomenon in the media, in the cinema and fiction.
The process of ideological and political transformation of American conservatism under the influence of foreign policy factors in the XXI century is discussed in the article. Foreign policy concepts of various types of American conservatism (neoconservatism, traditionalism, social conservatism, libertarianism, paleoconservatism) are studied based on Michael Frieden’s method of «ideological morphology». Two main directions of the conservative foreign policy (interventionism and isolationism) have been identified. The analysis of the foreign policy aspect of Trumpism as US version of contemporary populism is presented in the light of the ideological approach. The characteristics of Trumpism as «thin-centred» ideology, which based on the antithesis of «the pure American people» and «the corrupt Washington elite» and a concept of «common will of the people», are under investigation in the paper. The research shows, that Trumpism uses concepts of «host» ideology (conservatism) to form its discourse. The connection between the international agenda of Trumpism and isolationist and protectionist ideas of paleoconservatism is determined. The influence of conservative ideological attitudes on the evolution of US foreign policy in the XXI century is traced.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the consequences of the referendum on the UK’s membership in the European Union. The causes that contributed to the radical transformation of political processes and crisis phenomena in the framework of European integration processes are revealed. It is noted that the crisis of the British model of democracy and the rise of “monitoring democracy”, as well as the constitutional reforms in the UK, which were not brought to a logical conclusion, influenced the effectiveness of political institutions. The range of new complex issues of constitutional, legal, financial, economic, social and humanitarian nature that need to be addressed in the context of brexit is determined. The features of the development and implementation of the strategies of the United Kingdom and the European Union on the negotiation process are considered. The most important stages of negotiations on the problem of developing an agreement defining the conditions and principles of relations between the parties in the post-brexit period are studied. Particular attention is paid to the key controversial issues - the implementation of the financial obligations of the United Kingdom to the EU, guarantees the rights of EU citizens and their families living in the UK, as well as the preservation of the free movement of people, goods, services and capital between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The author analyzes internal and external factors that have a direct impact on the course of the dialogue, arguments and counter- arguments of the parties, the reasons for the change in the positions of the United Kingdom and EU leaders on key issues of cooperation in the new historical conditions. There is a deep split between British society and the main political forces of the country on the issue of withdrawal from the EU. The factors that led the UK to a serious political crisis and the inability to develop an adequate and effective brexit strategy are considered. KEY WORDS:
Starting from the late 2000s, the Post-Soviet states have faced the so-called integration dilemma. Seeking to deepen their trade relations and economic links with the regional centers of force – the European Union and Russia – they found themselves increasingly compelled to choose between two integration projects: either joining the EU As- sociation Agreement and Deep and Compre- hensive Free Trade Area or developing rela- tions with Russia and several other interested members of the CIS under the auspices of the Customs Union and Single Economic Space (Eurasian Economic Union since 2015). This paper purports to demonstrate that, although both tracks were declared to be economic by nature and were not publicly opposing each other, it was geopolitical reasoning that has dominated the deliberations of the five Eastern European members of the CIS in assessing and choosing between the two. The paper contrasts these countries’ political strategies and approaches to the integration dilemma and examines the internal and external factors behind these approaches. We explain why, despite the apparent similarity of the economies and interests of some of the states in question, their political strategies have diverged considerably under changing geopolitical circumstances. Finally, the paper evaluates the prospects of further engagement of Eastern European CIS countries in the integration projects.
The article is devoted to the research into the impact of cross-border mergers and acquisitions, conducted by international pharmaceutical companies in China, on Chinese participation in international pharmaceutical trade. Relevance of the study resides in the importance of mergers and acquisitions as instruments that are widely used in a foreign markets penetration process and that lead to the enhancement of intercorporate trade, thus significantly influencing country’s foreign trade.
International pharmaceutical companies expanded their operations in Chinese market during the last two decades as a result of the market liberalization. Mergers and acquisitions, conducted by international players, have directly or indirectly led to higher growth rates of Chinese foreign trade in pharmaceutical products, to geographic diversification of pharmaceutical exports and to an increase in deliveries from developed countries. China more than doubled its share in global exports of pharmaceutical products and almost quadrupled its share as an importer of pharmaceuticals.
The specific features of Chinese pharmaceutical trade are high growth rates in imports and imports’ significant excess over exports. Substantial proportion of Chinese imports is constituent by pharmaceutical components, that are needed to ensure production of high quality pharmaceuticals in China. Mergers and acquisitions play important role in this process and cause changes in geographical structure of imports. Seven biggest suppling countries, which hold more than two thirds of imports to China, represent the countries of origin of companies that are actively involved into mergers and acquisitions in Chinese pharmaceutical market.
The research results can be used by public regulatory authorities for the elaboration of industrial development policies through stimulating or deterring foreign direct investments. Research can be of use to pharmaceutical companies in formulating competition strategies for domestic and foreign markets.
The ongoing process of militarization of the informational environment leads to the evolution of approaches to the force-based methods of transformation of the geopolitical balance. It appears that the methods based upon the capabilities to limit the escalation appear to be the most acceptable. However, they open the door for chaotization of viral regions. That increases sharply the interest of the key players in the world politics towards this model of interstate competition that includes military means but is still below the level of classic conventional conflict. Earlier the use of such methods based upon the methods of interrelated informational, psychological and cyber-informational influence were addressed with caution since even 5–7 years ago these methods were not properly elaborated yet and did not give guaranteed results, as well as were related to the high risks of disclosure of the basic information about the organizers of actions and mostly were regarded as supplementary element to the more robust and tested methods of direct military aggression. Nowadays the leading role in the spectrum of military instruments is occupied by the hybrid wars that are a complex phenomenon that includes diverse instruments of political, informational and military (force) nature. The new potential of digital information society serves as an integrating basis for hybrid wars. With their emergence and practical approbation of the new model of war as well as their structural sophistication integration with the force instruments world enters a drastically new political era in which hybrid wars and especially the methods of informational manipulations take the leading roles and become the major instruments of the implementation of the state politics. For Russia that means a substantial change of the environment for competition with other countries as well as for an ultimate necessity to supplement to the foreign policy inventory with the new capabilities that go beyond classic diplomacy and also beyond the soft power potential that is rather underdeveloped in Russia.
The article considers the essence and peculiarities of realizing of human security in the EU external policy in general and specifically in Africa. The article reveals the principles of the EU interest in Africa as a focus of their humanitarian policy: phantoms of the collective memory of the political class of Western European countries, huge potential of resources and markets, migration and terrorist threat. It is argued that this policy is considered by the EU as its strategic foreign policy narrative, in the course of which the Union, while ensuring the security of the African continent, primarily realizes its own interests. Specific features of the interpretation of this narrative in official documents of Germany as a key member of the EU are specified. It is revealed that Germany aims to play a major role in shaping European policy towards the African continent, and the specificity of its approach is economic-centric, which distinguishes it from the EU’s general approach to Africa. The key question of the article is how is disinterested Germany’s role, despite its permeation with the spirit of liberal values as a supplier of human security to African countries. It is shown that the discrimination of refugees and migrants in migration flows in the EU emphasized the importance of the Union’s activities in ensuring human security in Africa. In accordance with its goal to become the leading actor of the EU policy on the continent, its role as a leader of the liberal world and the peculiarities of the consequences of the migration crisis for the political and party system of the country and the stability of the social state, Germany proposed the German “Marshall Plan” for Africa as a concretization of its humanitarian policy on the continent. The parameters of this Plan, its advantages and implementation difficulties are considered. It is concluded that the Germany’s approach to Africa, on the whole, indisputably contributes to the latter’s development. At the same time, it is to a large extent focused on solving the tasks of ensuring national security of Germany itself, promoting the interests of German business, creating new German “reserves” in Africa through the African partnership. In this bi-directional process there is no obvious contradiction, but the results of this process can become ambivalent.
The Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) as a legal format of trade between countries has been actively developed within the last decades. Russian involvement in RTAs until recently was weak. However, after the EAEU creation in 2015, trade policies of the member countries have changed. Setting up the RTAs has become an important priority of the EAEU’s common trade policy. In this study, the assessment is made of the significance for the Russian domestic policies of the signed and planned FTAs. The focus of the methodology of the study lies in computations of three trade indices: export significance index (suggested by authors and based on the revealed comparative advantage index), trade intensity index and symmetric trade introversion index, which were calculated for the totality of trade partners of Russia for 2018 (192 countries)) in order to identify the most promising countries to conclude new FTAs. Authors come to a conclusion that the already signed Russian RTAs and newly planned Russian common FTAs on behalf of the EAEU do have a visible amortizing effect for international trade flows. Another important result of the study is that it provides the list of the first-priority countries for the new-coming FTAs for Russia and the EAEU partners in terms of efficiency in generating trade and in terms of safeguarding stability of the existing trade flows, that are - Egypt, Turkey, Algeria, Republic of Korea and Mongolia. The authors suggest to make similar calculations for other countries to support the revealed pattern.
ABSTRACT. The Regional Trade Agreements
(RTA) as a legal format of trade
between countries has been actively developed
within the last decades. Russian involvement
in RTAs until recently was modest.
However, after the EAEU creation in
2015, trade policies of the member countries
have changed. Setting up the RTAs
has become an important priority of the
EAEU’s common trade policy. In this study,
the assessment is made of the significance
for the Russian domestic policies of the already
signed and planned FTAs. The focus
of the methodology of the study lies in computations of three trade indices: export
significance index (suggested by authors
and based on the revealed comparative advantage
index), trade intensity index and
symmetric trade introversion index, which
were calculated for the totality of trade partners
of Russia for 2019 (193 countries) in
order to identify the most promising countries
to conclude new FTAs. Authors come
to a conclusion that the already signed Russian
RTAs and newly planned Russian common
FTAs on behalf of the EAEU have
a potential to generate trade. Another important
result of the study is that it provides
the list of the first-priority countries for the
new-coming FTAs for Russia and the EAEU
partners in terms of efficiency in generating
trade, that are - Egypt, Turkey, Algeria,
Republic of Korea and Mongolia. The authors
suggest to make similar calculations
for other countries to support the revealed
To approach political propaganda as a theory is quite rare for the contemporary state of political science. There are lots of disciplinary dimensions that can guide you through your long journey of understanding this conceptual unit. As a result it acquired ambivalent meaning. On the one hand, most of the theorists and empirical scientists firmly state that there is no category as such, on the other hand, some of them may agree that it still exists but it cannot meet its presumptive goals, for instance, socialization, legitimization and etc.
The research question this study will attempt to answer can be formulated from the perspective of theoretical ambiguity of the political propaganda concept in modern science. Taking into account all the previous ideas and models we will try to formulate theoretical and methodological approaches of political propaganda concept.
The relations between South Korea and North Korea were improved in 2018 on the basis of the Sunshine policy ideational platform and the inter-Korean agreements reached between the two countries under the progressive administrations of Kim Dae-jung in 2000 and Roh Moohyun in 2007. However, inter-Korean relations had been at a lull since the US-North Korea summit in Hanoi in February 2019 despite the intentions of the parties to develop diverse forms of cooperation. After that, the month of June saw a severe deterioration in the Inter-Korean relations. The aim of this article is to analyze the inter-Korean relations and the North Korean policies of the South Korean governments from 1998 to 2020 as well as explain the reasons behind Seoul’s inability to make progress in dialogue with Pyongyang. South Korea’s prioritizing of its ties with the United States as well as its increased dependence on the United States were the main reason behind the stagnation of inter-Korean relations. Under the international regime of sanctions against the DPRK, Moon Jae-In has failed to put the Sunshine policy into practice, for instance, re-open Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mount Kumgang tourism zone. The fact that inter-Korean economic cooperation was actually still linked to the denuclearization of the DPRK also had a negative impact on the prospects for maintaining the positive dynamics of inter-Korean relations. The exacerbation of inter-Korean relations in June 2020 showed that in the absence of practical inter-Korean cooperation and with the continuing deadlock in the US-North Korean negotiations on the nuclear issue, Pyongyang is not interested in normalizing relations with Seoul and it can concentrate on relations with the United States. At the same time, the intensifying confrontation between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region is not conducive to a political settlement of the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue and it can potentially lead to an aggravation of inter-Korean relations.
The article deals with the issue of African American identity in the post-segregation period (after 1968). The problem of African Americans’ “double consciousness”, marked for the first time yet in the late 19th – early 20th century, still remains relevant. It is that descendants of slaves, who over the centuries have been relegated to the periphery of the American society, have been experiencing and in part are experiencing an internal conflict, caused by the presence of both American and African components in their identities. The authors focus on Afrocentrism (Afrocentricity) – a socio-cultural theory, proposed by Molefi Kete Asante in 1980 as a strategy to overcome this conflict and to construct a particular form of “African” collective identity of African Americans. This theory, based on the idea of Africa and all people of African descent’s centrality in world history and culture, was urged to completely decolonize and transform African Americans’ consciousness. The Afrocentrists proposed African Americans to re-Africanize their self-consciousness, turn to African cultural roots in order to get rid of a heritable inferiority complex formed by slavery and segregation. This article presents a brief outline of the history of Afrocentrism, its intellectual sources and essential structural elements, particularly Africology. The authors analyze the concepts of racial identity, “black consciousness” and “black unity” in the contexts of the Afrocentric theory and current social realities of the African American community. Special attention is paid to the methodology and practice of Afrocentric education. In Conclusion, the authors evaluate the role and prospects of Afrocentrism among African Americans in the context of general trends of their identities transformations.
How peculiar are South Korean OFDI to Russia?
This paper investigates nature of the Korean OFDI in the middle-income countries during the period 2012-2019. The goal is to identify any common features or differences with the observed structure of the Korean OFDI in Russia. The study is based on an assumption that country’s investment strategies are determined by businesses. In general, business makes investment decisions based on the priorities for resource optimization and profit maximization on a global scale. Under this approach, investments to Russia would be a part of a more global strategy of Korean firms. Also, authors discuss prospects for the Russia-Korea investment cooperation under the US sanctions and how ongoing structural changes in the global economy can influence investment decisions of Korean companies.
Obtained results suggest that during the period under investigation, structure of the Korean investment in Russia was similar to the structure observed in other middle-income countries. There are clear signs that investments were motivated by gaining access to the market (in other words, they were market-seeking by nature). In the near-term increase in Korean investments to Russia is unlikely due to global recession triggered by Covid-19 pandemic and risks of harder US sanctions.