«…MAS COMPLIDO PRINCEP DE BONDAT QUE EN MUNDO OUO…»: Помпей Великий глазами средневекового хрониста
The article examines the interpretation of Pompey the Great's (106–48 BC) image, in the medieval chronicle “Estoria de Espanna”, which was compiled in the vernacular (Castilian) language after 1270 at the court of Alfonso X the Wise, king of Castile and Leon (1252–1284). The authors emphasize the fact that, in contradiction to the modern tradition, when describing the conflict between Pompey and Caesar, the medieval chronicler sympathizes with the former. The authors explore the causes of this non-traditional interpretation and show the means used to construct the image (primary sources of the chronicle, the manner in which they are analysed, the style and specific language of the chronicler). The article includes a translation of some chapters from the chronicle (77–80 and 101–105) that present episodes from Pompey’s biography.
The paper deals with the problem of reflection of Slavic legends about first rulers in the text of the Polish chronicle Gesta principum Polonorum by Gallus
Anonymous (the early twelfth century). The author compares the story of the Piast dynasty’s coming to power in Poland with that of the rise to power of King Haraldr Fairhair in Norway (in Snorri Sturluson’s Heimskringla, c. 1230, and Flateyjarbók, 1387–1394). It is obvious that in the basis of both texts lays a common motif: “at a feast of a ruler food suddenly disappears, and then the ruler loses his power and dies”. All the basic and additional motifs in these two stories are the same. The plot is based on the juxtaposition of two feasts, one of which is meager, and the other is generous. In the both texts we clearly see a description of the pagan rite called potlatch — a periodic mandatory emulative public delivery of products and values, which requires the current ruler to outdone his opponent in generosity. We have two implementations of the same invariant plot. There can be two assumptions about the time of the formation of such a plot, common for the Scandinavian and the Slavic traditions. It is possible that it is a “wandering plot”, typical for the period of intensive contacts between the Slavs and the Scandinavians in the circum- Baltic area from the seventh till the eleventh century, or it could be a more ancient time when the contacts between the Germanic tribes and the Slavs are fixed linguistically: the periods of exchange between the Teutonic and Slavonic languages.
A comparison of the texts of Snorri Sturluson and Gallus Anonymous gives us an opportunity to confirm the hypothesis that oral legendary tradition underlays the first Polish chronicle. Even for Gallus, an educated foreign Benedictine monk, an appeal to the pagan past of the ruling dynasty, for which he was writing his chronicle, was actually necessary. We clearly see here a dictate of the local audience, the requests of which could not be ignored. Note also that chronicle was such a form of historiography that badly needed oral epic and folklore sources for its anecdotal narrations.
The early Polish historiography demontsrates a number of typological parallels, as well as a number of structural differences in comparison with the Old Rus chronicles. The arrangement of material in Gesta principum Polonorum seems remarkably close to that in the first Russian historiographical work, the so-called Oldest Tale (or Oldest Chronicle), written in the first half of the eleventh century. This non-extant text can be reconstructed in its main features from the text of the Primary Chronicle of the early twelfth century. The Russian Oldest Tale, just as the chronicle of Gallus, was a record of a series of episodes from the early history of the ruling dynasty. Both texts were purely secular in main topics, both aimed at glorifying the ruling prince and his ancestors, both lacked an annalistic framework.
In this paper were examined the concepts of uso and costumbre as they are reflected in the Siete Partidas of Alphonse the Sage of Castile (1252 – 1284). Author analyses the problems of its introduction, principal qualities and procedure of the abrogation of a custom. The special consideration is given to the organic connections existing between the law of medieval Castile and the doctrine of European ius commune.
The subject of this article is the concept of power developed by the jurists of Alfonso the Wise in the Partidas. The main role of the king as the political and spiritual leader of his Kingdom is shown through a system of oppositions. The existing main distinction between the king and emperor is also seen in the alphonsine doctrine: the power of the former has a mystical character, while the second is based on purely rational grounds.
In the article, the author analyses the conception of people as a political body (corpus politicum) described in the text of the “Siete Partidas” of Alphonse X the Wise, king of Castile and Leon (1252–1284). In the frame of this theory, the people are considered as a whole body and the king as its soul, heart and head. The multitude can become the people only being united by the love to the king. The author criticizes the hypothesis according to which the principal sources of Alphonse's political theory were the works of St.Thomas Aquinas and John of Salisbury and proposed the other version. According to his version, such sources were, first of all, the texts of the tradition of political Augustinism, i.e., the “De civitate Dei” of St.Augustine and the “Sententiarum Libri tres” of Isidor of Seville.
In the article are reconstructed the sources of the law P.VII.1.3 from the “Siete Partidas” of Alphonse the Sage (1252 – 1284) and made some observations about legislative technics of the Castilian jurists. Author has affirmed that the legists of Alphonse X had used as a sources some fragments of book IX of Justinian Code, of book LXVIII of Justinian Digest and – perhaps – of book IX of Theodosian Code. Also has noted that the Castilian legists, from one side, had used the Justinian Corpus without call its texts in question but, from another side, had done it very freely. The last is not usual for work of medieval jurists, according to classical historical conceptions.