The international team of authors from all over the world is united in the book by the disire to work out some practical guide lines against violence. Violence reigns supreme in our political and even daily life. Violence is the major threat to mankind. Nevertheless we do not really understand the scope of the threat. The book addresses the problem of violence from all possible perspectives. The major concern of the book is the practical applicability of nonviolence. The authors claim that our world can and should be nonviolent and that is the only possible way to save the planet and ourselves.
The paper offers a review of positions held by prominent philosophers (Plato, Benjamin, Heidegger, Derrida) regarding the power of art. In spite of the essential differences between their approaches to art those thinkers displayed interest in the same questions and problems. That helps to reassess Plato’s harsh criticism of art, which turns out to be a fairly typical philosophical way of dealing with art. In an imaginary conversation with the contemporary thinkers Plato stands out, as he is aware of mission and influence of art in human life and intends his own philosophy to be politically responsible poetry.
The questions of violence and child abuse, as well as opportunities to study the incidence of violence and ill-treatment of children by means of the ICAST-C questionnaire are studied in the paper. The author carries out a constructive analysis of the ICAST-C questionnaire, checks its reliability and validity.
The report presents the results of the study of claims-making in the LiveJournal posts about police and prison violence in Russia. The study is based on two cases: violence against the detainee Sergei Nazarov in the police department "Dalny" in Kazan in March 2012, which became the cause of his death, and open letters sent by Pussy Riot member Nadezhda Tolokonnikova from penal colony located in Mordovia in September and October 2013. The data highlight, firstly, the dominant retranslating function of the blogosphere and its weak mobilizing function, secondly, the similarity of rhetorical idioms used in these two cases, in particular, the rhetoric of endangerment (to citizens from authorities) and rhetoric of calamity (focused on Vladimir Putin’s presidency), third, attempts to legitimize violence against detainees and prisoners, fourthly, the systemic bloggers’ perception of processes in Russian police, prisons and penal colonies, fifth, the dominance of civic and sarcastic styles of claims-making in the blogosphere.
The article deals with the problem of normative evaluation of war and mass violence. The doctrines of Realism, Pacifism, Militarism, Realism and Just War are the most widely used theoretical and normative tools of this evaluation and normative practice. The latest developments have brought the Just War theory to the fore. The peak of popularity of the Just War Theory may prove, nevertheless, to be its swan's song. The recent theoretical findings as well as the political applications of this ethical theory in Kosovo and Iraq, have proved to be somewhat less then adequate, to say the least. Theoretically it hovers uneasily in between Militarism and Pacifism, pragmatically it may work as a smoke screen for the most hideous forms of agression and an instrument of the wide scale information war. The author of this article is holding that we must not put aside the idea of the morally constrained war, it may be modified. The result of this modification may be entitled Necessary War doctrine. The necessary war differs significantly from the just war, it is closer to pacifism and less prone to theoretical critisism. The foundations of this doctrine has been laid by Russian philosopher Ivan Ilyin.
The traditional narrative of the Russian Civil War is one of revolution against counterrevolution, Bolshevik Reds against Tsarist Whites. Liudmila Novikova convincingly demonstrates, however, that the struggle was not between a Communist future and a Tsarist past; instead, it was a bloody fight among diverse factions of a modernizing postrevolutionary state. Focusing on the sparsely populated Arkhangelsk region in Northern Russia, she shows that the anti-Bolshevik government there, which held out from 1918 to early 1920, was a revolutionary alternative bolstered by broad popular support. Novikova draws on declassified archives and sources in both Russia and the West to reveal the White movement in the North as a complex social and political phenomenon with a distinct regional context. She documents the politics of the Northern Government and its relations with the British and American forces who had occupied the ports of Murmansk and Arkhangelsk at the end of World War I. As the civil war continued, the increasing involvement of the local population transformed the conflict into a ferocious "people's war" until remaining White forces under General Evgenii Miller evacuated the region in February 1920.
The January uprising, 1863-1864 was estimated by its contemporaries as a turning point not only in the Polish history and Russian-Polish relations, but also in the fate of the Russian Empire and nation-building. Though Russian evaluations varied dramatically depending on political and ideological preferences of conservatives, liberals and revolutionaries, they had some common features. In Soviet period many old approaches to the history of uprising were forgotten, it was examining in the narrow framework of formational and class paradigm and progressive international revolutionary cooperation. In post-Soviet period transformation of theoretical basis of historical studies in spirit of pluralism was accompanied by rebirth of the old approaches with both positive and negative consequences.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.