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Проприетивные и привативные аффиксы в некоторых уральских языках: о маркированности и (не)словоизменительном статусе
This paper studies the morphosyntactic properties of bound proprietive and privative markers in some Uralic languages using corpus data and grammatical descriptions. Such affixes are predominantly attached to substantive bases and form derivatives with the meaning of ‘possessing X’ and ‘deprived of X’, respectively.
The first part of the study is devoted to the comparison of morphosyntactic properties of proprietive and privative affixes both in the whole sample and in distinct language systems. It is shown, for example, that such markers are often attached to nouns with dependent adjectives and numerals but tend to be incompatible with number marking of the base. The paper shows that privative markers, although they have no less restrictions on the derivational base than proprietive ones, are fewer in number and often coincide with adverbial caritive markers. Thus, it is argued that proprietive and privative constitute a marked opposition, in which the latter is marked.
Then, on the basis of the described morphosyntactic properties, I discuss the status of the affixes as inflectional or derivational markers. Most of the considered proprietive and privative affixes cannot be analyzed as derivational, since the attributivized stem retains nominal syntax. However, it does nor seem accurate to analyze them as inflectional (case) markers, since the nominal properties of the base are only partially retained. At the same time, affixes combining the functions of attributivizers and (comitative or caritive) adverbial markers preserve more of the internal nominal syntax of the base, but still to the lesser extent than the core cases in these languages. Moreover, different attributivizers deviate differently from the inflectional prototype. Thus, the data testify that attributive markers under study deviate more from the inflectional prototype than the corresponding adverbial markers.