Agenda Divergence in a Developing Conflict: A Quantitative Evidence from a Ukrainian and a Russian TV Newsfeeds
Economic debates in the media and their impact on the economic and political behavior of people are underexamined if compared with similar studies of political or social issues. This paper is aimed at reviewing how economic news are reflected in the academic literature and exploring connections between media, public opinions, and the economic situations. The paper is based on research articles indexed in international citation bases. The most recent relevant texts are selected based on their citations. A special attention is paid to the negative bias in economic news. The author focuses upon the research of economic debates in the media during the financial crisis of 2008. This case is particularly important, because much of the existing research on this topic is devoted to this economic shock. The author concludes that that people's interest in economic information increases when economic situation is instable. At the same time, the character of people's perceptions can affect the media debates.
In this paper, we empirically test the dependence of the Russian stock market on the world stock market, world oil prices and Russian political and economic news during the period 2001–2010. We find that oil prices are not significant after 2006, and the Japan stock index is significant over the whole period, since it is the nearest market index in terms of closing time to the Russian stock index. We find that political news like the Yukos arrests or news on the Georgian war have a short-term impact, since there are many other shocks. These factors confirm the structural instability of the Russian financial market.
The Ukraine Conflict. Security, identity and politics in the Wider Europe
This study explores relationship between the Internet and the Russian national election of 2011-2012. In contrast to other studies, we focus on the blogosphere as a political factor. Our conclusions are based on a study of the LiveJournal blogging platform represented by a sample of political posts from the top 2000 bloggers for 13 week-long periods. Sampling from the population of about 180,000 posts was performed automatically with a topic modelling algorithm, while the analysis of the resulting 3690 texts was carried out manually by five coders. We found that the most influential Russian blogs perform the role of a media “stronghold” of the political opposition. Moreover, we established a relationship between the weekly pre-election ratings of the opposition parties and presidential candidates and the indicators of political activity in the blogosphere. Our results cautiously suggest that political activity on the Internet is not simply an online projection of offline political activity: it can itself provoke activity in offline political life.
According to the Russian classic, there are two Russian ‘perennial questions’: Who is guilty? And what should be done? While the answer to the first question is clear to the Kremlin (of course, it’s the West - the U.S. and EU – who should be blamed for the Ukrainian crisis), the second question is still open to argument. This paper argues that the Ukrainian crisis will inevitably entail an essential revision of the Russian foreign policy’s conceptual/doctrinal basis. It also will result in changing Moscow’s regional priorities. Particularly, Russia will pay more attention to its relations with the ‘near abroad’ trying to repair its poor/negative image, prevent its authority from further weakening in the post-Ukrainian era and shift political alliances in the post-Soviet territory to its benefit. In parallel, Moscow will try to redesign the current system of Russia-led institutions in the post-Soviet space (CIS, Collective Security Treaty Organization, etc.) which proved to be inefficient during the Ukrainian crisis. The emphasis will be made on the economic aspects of integration, including the Customs Union and its further transformation to the Eurasian Union. Russia’s relations with the West and its major institutions (EU and NATO) will be redefined in a more realistic and pragmatic way with the aim to make the country less dependent on the oil and gas exports to the West and Western technologies and investment imports. At the same time, the Kremlin will make emphasis on the further development of its ‘strategic partnership’ with China and cooperation with and within non-Western institutions, such as BRICS, RIC, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, ASEAN, African Union, Islamic Conference Organization, etc.
In this paper, we analyse the strategies and stratification of Russian universities in the Northwestern region. By enriching traditional social network analysis scientometric tools, we developed web presence indicators focused on the contexts in which universities are linked with businesses and are mentioned in media. We treat resulting groups in terms of Gouldner’s cosmopolitans versus locals theory, based on differences in their publication strategies, and embeddedness in business connections and media contexts.
The present article continues the investigation of the Soqotri verbal system undertaken by the Russian-Soqotri fieldwork team. The article focuses on the so-called “weak” and “geminated” roots in the basic stem. The investigation is based on the analysis of full paradigms (perfect, imperfect and jussive) of more than 170 “weak” and “geminated” Soqotri verbs.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.