Agenda Divergence in a Developing Conflict: A Quantitative Evidence from a Ukrainian and a Russian TV Newsfeeds
In this paper, we empirically test the dependence of the Russian stock market on the world stock market, world oil prices and Russian political and economic news during the period 2001–2010. We find that oil prices are not significant after 2006, and the Japan stock index is significant over the whole period, since it is the nearest market index in terms of closing time to the Russian stock index. We find that political news like the Yukos arrests or news on the Georgian war have a short-term impact, since there are many other shocks. These factors confirm the structural instability of the Russian financial market.
The Ukraine Conflict. Security, identity and politics in the Wider Europe
This study explores relationship between the Internet and the Russian national election of 2011-2012. In contrast to other studies, we focus on the blogosphere as a political factor. Our conclusions are based on a study of the LiveJournal blogging platform represented by a sample of political posts from the top 2000 bloggers for 13 week-long periods. Sampling from the population of about 180,000 posts was performed automatically with a topic modelling algorithm, while the analysis of the resulting 3690 texts was carried out manually by five coders. We found that the most influential Russian blogs perform the role of a media “stronghold” of the political opposition. Moreover, we established a relationship between the weekly pre-election ratings of the opposition parties and presidential candidates and the indicators of political activity in the blogosphere. Our results cautiously suggest that political activity on the Internet is not simply an online projection of offline political activity: it can itself provoke activity in offline political life.
The article discusses the evolution of the Visegrad partnership. It never had integrative capacity, but in recent years accumulated the integration potential in regional relations. The common position formation principles in international policy are being carried out by the Visegrad Four. Notable is the emergence of really important issues and explicit politicization of the agenda. The defense theme, the problem of energy security, coordination of positions on the EU budget etc. were included into discussions. At the same time, exacerbated contradictions exist in these areas. Key factors currently affecting the development of the Visegrad Group are: the confrontation of great powers in the region, the inert nature of relationship between the Visegrad countries and the United States, the anarchy in European policy, the prevalence of extra-regional conditions and incentives, the lack of specific regional rules and the void of its institutionalization. The Ukrainian crisis once again emphasizes the importance of the regional policy external actors – the U.S., Germany, Russia and the Brussels EU's bureaucracy. It was the cause of the schism emerging in East European politics and slowed down the process of the intra-regional incentives formation as well as of the communications concentration. It is forcing the Visegrad countries to grasp their limitrophe position. A perspective of the Visegrad partnership is unclear, but it is noteworthy that regional relations become increasingly important for their participants.
In 2006, Russia amended its competition law and added the concepts of ‘collective dominance’ and its abuse. This was seen as an attempt to address the common problem of ‘conscious parallelism’ among firms in concentrated industries. Critics feared that the enforcement of this provision would become tantamount to government regulation of prices. In this paper we examine the enforcement experience to date, looking especially closely at sanctions imposed on firms in the oil industry. Some difficulties and complications experienced in enforcement are analysed, and some alternative strategies for addressing anticompetitive behaviour in concentrated industries discussed.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.