Император и апостолы: храм и мавзолей
Upon analyzing the political processes occurring during the nineteenth-twentieth centuries, G.Musikhin posits that the popular idea about the supremacy of professional managers in politics over demagogues speculating with mass’ political aspirations conceals an attempt by the power holders to get rid of the axiological rationale for the political hegemony. He concludes that when the governmental policy is supported by the voters’ will rather than sovereign power per se, the ideological discourse becomes of fundamental importance since support is lent to someone who can present his ideological position as a majority’s goal. The debate within the political space is built around an ability to offer to the society a more attractive political (to be more precise, ideological) prospect rather than detailed mechanisms of how to govern society (that are largely universal).
The idea of “The Third Rome” has appeared in Russian thought at the beginning of ХVI century. Monk Filofey has concretized this theory. The theme of Rome has come in the culture of St. Petersburg with the help of Peter the Great. Since nineteenth century the theme of Rome has become the main theme between noble youth. It was maintained practically by every Russian thinker. There were two main tendencies of the development of the Third Rome’s idea: the theme of Russia as “The real third Rome”, successor of Christian values of Roman and Byzantine Empires, and also the theme “Decline of Rome” and “Collapse of Empire”.
The aim of this article is to examine the features of the relationship of conservatism and postmodernism. The article identified as similar and antagonistic points of views of postmodernists and conservatives, analyzed the causes of these complex relationships. The author concludes, at the moment a complete synthesis of postmodernism and conservatism is unlikely, because obvious theoretical similarity blocked no less obvious political differences between conservative traditionalism and post-modern innovation.
Ideology of the Communist Party, presented in the election campaign 2007 is revealed. With the help of lingo-cognitive analysis the cognitive model of the ideology of the Party is described.
The general aim of this thesis is to explore the gendered and classed nature of social work and social welfare in Russia to show how social policy can be a part of and reinforce marginalisation. The overall research question is in what ways class and gender are constructed in Russian social work practice and welfare rhetoric through Soviet legacies and contemporary challenges? In addition, which actors contribute to the constitution of social work values and how this value system affects the agency of the clients? This study focuses on contradictory ideologies that are shaped in discursive formations of social policy, social work training and practice. It is a qualitative study, containing fi ve papers looking at this issue from three different perspectives: policy and institutions, culture and discourse, actors and identity. The data collection was arranged as a purposive–iterative process. The empirical material consists of qualitative interviews with social work practitioners, administrators and clients, participant observations in social services and analysis of documents of various kinds.