Social cohesion, the modern version of the fraternité motto of the French revolution, has become a hot social science topic. The paper addresses it from a social-psychological perspective, asking whether individually and societally prevailing value preferences are interconnected with the level of cohesion in society. Mexico serves as the case to examine whether findings for European countries, obtained in the Bertelsmann Social Cohesion Radar, can be generalized to Latin America. Is it true also in Mexico that strong self-transcendence values (Universalism) foster social cohesion, whereas strong self-enhancement values (Power) impede it? A large random probability quota sample (N = 2,003) was gathered to answer the research question. Results showed that, largely, findings from Europe could be generalized to the Mexican context. However, the role of Security values emerged as different. Whereas in Europe such value preferences covaried with low levels of cohesion, in Mexico they were generally associated with higher levels. The authors interpret this as evidence for negative consequences of neoliberal economic policies for social cohesion. Unlike in Europe, strong support for Security values seems to serve as a safeguard against capitalist economic pressures more so than being a sign for an egoistic preservation of one’s own lot
Due to commercial difficulties happened in the beginning of the 21st century China was not particularly interested in rapprochement with Mexico, preferring other Latin American countries. For the last years Mexican-Chinese relations are developping. Donald Trump's presidency, characterized by the absence of a long-term Latin American policy, as well as the gradual curtailment of Washington's presence in the region, led to the intensification of cooperation between Beijing and Mexico City. This provides China with opportunity to bridge the gap appeared after deterioration of U.S.-Mexico relations, without looking back at past failures.
El texto repasa diferentes etapas desde que Rusia y México abrieron las embajadas y da cuenta de cómo se conmemoró el aniversario en ambos países-
Among the most serious texts on Mexican federalism there can be found the wide discussion on the legal and institutional origins of such a system of political and territorial organization. However, although the institutional side of provincial councils ("diputación provincial") has been acknowledged, little has been said on the fact that these institutional constructions had an enormous importance on the formation of state-wide political elites that perpetuated themselves in local power well into the 19th century. We therefore propose that the constitutional institutions introduced in 1812 by the Cádiz constitution strengthened an already existing tradition of decentralized government in the colony, thus paving the way for regional political elites to consolidate their local influence. These elites would later become central actors of Mexican politics, sharpening the concept and the limits of Mexican governors in the 19th century.
Governments around the world have been increasing their practices for open government data (OGD). After the launch of the initiative for the Open Government Partnership (OGP) many countries have developed legal arrangements, organizational transformations and cultural challenges in order to implement some practices of OGD in their Public Administrations. However very few have compared their results and experiences in a systematic way. The purpose of this paper is to introduce a first step to develop a comparative framework of OGD. Using the experience of Mexico and Russia governments on implementation we describe this experience of country comparison in order to foster the OGD implementation across the world
América Central, también llamada Centroamérica*, es un subcontinente que conecta América del Norte con América del Sur. Geográficamente se situa entre la fronreta de México y la frontera noroccidental de Colombia, rodeada por el océano Pacífico y el océano Atlántico. Políticamente se divide en los 7 países independientes de Guatemala, Belice, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica y Panamá. Su extensión territorial es de 523.780 km2 y su población es de unos 41.739.000 habitantes. El territorio cubre una superficie un poco mayor que la de España. Prodiga en recursos naturales, su suelo es sumamente fértil, apto para todo tipo de cultivos. El canal de Panamá además de facilitar la comunicación marítima entre dos océanos se hizo en América Central un paso obigado para los buques de todo el mundo. El subcontinente tiene todo para atraer al turismo internacional: hermosas playas, selvas, montañas, volcanes, apasibles lagos, ruinas de antiguas civilizaciones, etc. Pero la región aún está a la espera de que sus gobiernos encaren tres duros desafíos: vencer la pobreza, consolidar sus débiles democracias y apagar los odios que dejaron los largos años de guerras civiles en sus países.
Anuario del centro de investigaciones latinoamericanas de la universidad rusa de la Amistad de los Pueblos