At the present stage, cooperation between Mexico and Spain is multifaceted and effective. Both countries maintain economic, trade and cultural ties, at the same time possessing the various mechanisms for bilateral dialogue and assistance, which together form one of the most multifaceted institutional structures in the world. To date, the status of a natural ally of Spain is one of the central tasks for Mexico. The article examines the key aspects of the cooperation between these countries considering that the Mexican economy is in the midst of the ”destabilizing effect” because of the policy of the new US president Donald Trump, which threatens the political and economic achievements of Mexican-Spanish relations.
El texto repasa diferentes etapas desde que Rusia y México abrieron las embajadas y da cuenta de cómo se conmemoró el aniversario en ambos países-
The presented paper discusses problems of inequality in Mexico. Despite intensive economic growth, the Mexican society is one of the most unequal in the world. According to the National council for the evaluation of social development 51% of Mexicans are poor. And Mexico inequality indicators are the highest in Latin America.
The author examines social measures on reducing inequality taken in post-revolutionary Mexico (1940 – 1990) and new liberal programmes.
The efforts on building “welfare state” during 1940-1990 led to improvement of living standards, widening access to education and health care, but did not help to overcome inequality. The gap between rural and urban population was increasing. After the serious economic crisis of the 80’s, Mexico accelerated its economic liberalization. To reduce inequality social programmes for supporting vulnerable social groups: Indians, women, senior citizens were launched. However, despite the enthusiasm of the government and relatively good economic performance, poverty was not eradicated.
It is concluded that liberalizing trade and embracing globalization is not enough to tackle the inequality problems and the Mexican government should implement policies to equalize opportunities.
Governments around the world have been increasing their practices for open government data (OGD). After the launch of the initiative for the Open Government Partnership (OGP) many countries have developed legal arrangements, organizational transformations and cultural challenges in order to implement some practices of OGD in their Public Administrations. However very few have compared their results and experiences in a systematic way. The purpose of this paper is to introduce a first step to develop a comparative framework of OGD. Using the experience of Mexico and Russia governments on implementation we describe this experience of country comparison in order to foster the OGD implementation across the world
América Central, también llamada Centroamérica*, es un subcontinente que conecta América del Norte con América del Sur. Geográficamente se situa entre la fronreta de México y la frontera noroccidental de Colombia, rodeada por el océano Pacífico y el océano Atlántico. Políticamente se divide en los 7 países independientes de Guatemala, Belice, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica y Panamá. Su extensión territorial es de 523.780 km2 y su población es de unos 41.739.000 habitantes. El territorio cubre una superficie un poco mayor que la de España. Prodiga en recursos naturales, su suelo es sumamente fértil, apto para todo tipo de cultivos. El canal de Panamá además de facilitar la comunicación marítima entre dos océanos se hizo en América Central un paso obigado para los buques de todo el mundo. El subcontinente tiene todo para atraer al turismo internacional: hermosas playas, selvas, montañas, volcanes, apasibles lagos, ruinas de antiguas civilizaciones, etc. Pero la región aún está a la espera de que sus gobiernos encaren tres duros desafíos: vencer la pobreza, consolidar sus débiles democracias y apagar los odios que dejaron los largos años de guerras civiles en sus países.
Anuario del centro de investigaciones latinoamericanas de la universidad rusa de la Amistad de los Pueblos
This paper studies the mechanisms of market discipline in the Mexican deposit market. It tests the hypothesis that low-quality banks pay higher interest rates on deposits, receive fewer deposits, and shift their deposit agreements from long to short term. This hypothesis was assessed with positive evidence in Mexico during the period 1991–1996, but was not checked again. This research uses a dynamic panel model and a sample of 37 banks from December 2008 to September 2012 to re-evaluate the market discipline hypothesis. The findings suggest a weak presence of discipline induced by depositors. Principally, market discipline is absent within market sectors.