(Il)legal freedom? Christ and Redemption from Slavery to Satan in Late Antique Liturgical Texts from Asia Minor
This paper explores the use of legal imagery in 5th century homilies by Christian authors from Asia Minor writing in Greek. I particularly focus on the idea of legally framed 'redemption' of sinners by Christ.
This article is dedicated to the II Council of Seville (A.D. 619) and its decisions. This Council was presided over famous Isidore of Seville, a great expert of Classical culture and in particolary in Roman law. Thanks to Isidore the canons of its Council were influenced by the norm of Theodosian Code. In that way the Roman Law became a base of the Canonical Law.
This volume explores social, political, religious, and aesthetic aspects of slave-owning, and the experience of being a slave, in late antiquity
Contemporary scholarship generally reads allusion in Hosidius Geta's second-century AD cento Medea as modeled on the technique of learned allusions, meant to appeal to the reader's sophistication. I suggest an alternative reading of allusion and therefore also of meaning in Medea. The allusive play that we can reliably recognize in Hosidius' Medea is, on my reading, quite democratic: it requires rather little from the reader's memory, as it creates largely tonal contrasts between Vergilian words and the new (often brutal) senses wuth which Hosidius imbues them.
This book includes the abstracts of leading foreign and russian scholars in the palaeography, codicology, sphragistics and other auxiliary historical disciplines (with special emphasis on the manuscript collections of Saint-Petersburg).
The author publishes a new decree from Chersonesus in honour of Gaius, son of Antiochos, a citizen of an obscure polis of Stectorium (Phrygia) and south Pontic Amastris. Paleography and the type of preamble of the decree show that the monument can be dated most probably to the period from the last third of the 1st century BC through the mid-1st century AD. Of special interest is the mention of the Phrygian polis Stectorium, attested up till now only in three epigraphic sources. Chersonesus’ links with Amastris have been well attested in the 2nd century AD inscriptions, but there are some grounds to suppose that they had been active at least from the second half of the 1st century on. The author also proposes a new restoration of a Chersonesian decree published earlier (SEG 32, 786).
The present thesis is a study of Athanasios of Alexandria‘s thought and writings—predominantly pastoral—in the context of ecclesial, ascetic, and liturgical developments in fourth-century Christian communities in Egypt. I explore Athanasios‘ Festal Letters, individual correspondence (primarily the Letter to Markellinos), and the Life of Antony from the perspective of the bishop‘s concerns about the contemporaneous diversity of devotional and liturgical practices of praying and hymn-singing. The central argument of this thesis is that Athanasios had a coherent vision of the ideal Christian prayer and hymnody. For Athanasios, 'orthodox‘ Christians—lay and ascetics, educated devotees and common believers alike—should derive their practices of devotion and liturgy from the Bible—the Psalter and the Biblical odes—rather than other sources. Athanasios‘ programme of devotional and liturgical orthopraxy centred around the Biblical ideal is part of his much broader ecclesiological project of bringing unity to the division-riddled church of Egypt. The bishop conceives of the Scripturally-cued shared patters of praying and hymn-singing as one of the means to unify scattered Christian communities. Although his pastoral programme of a uniform Biblical devotion is not as self-consciously and combatively formulated as e.g. his polemic against the 'Arians‘ or Meletians, it surfaces across his writings with consistency. Targeted against the diversity of modes of prayer and hymn-singing practiced across a variety of doctrinally, ecclesially, and socially different communities, Athanasios‘ pastoral programme of devotional orthopraxy reflected the trends towards unification in the bishop-led Christian culture of late antiquity and contributed to their further strengthening.
1. In the text of Passio S. Sebastiani (BHL 7543), 13, AASS 2.267, instead of …ita illic refectio, quam os susceperit, melliflua in gustu hoc unicuique sapit, quo fuerit delectatus, a new reading is proposed: ...ita illic refectio, quam os susceperit, melliflua in gustu. Hoc unicuique satis, quo fuerit delectatus. Besides, examination of the available part of the manuscript tradition (which is huge and nearly unexplored) possibly points to instability of the transmitted text as well. 2. In the text of Chromatius of Aquileia’s Sermones, 26.94–98 Étaix–Lemarié, instead of post multas uirtutes et mirabilia, quae fidem credentium confirmauit, a new reading is proposed: post multas uirtutes et mirabilia, quae fidem credentium confirmarunt (if r could be mistaken for the left vertical line of u, then it is easy to imagine a corruption of -rũt to -uit). 3. A new approach to the solution of the problem posed by senseless and unmetrical ductor iacet in Corippus, Iohannis 4.1 is proposed: the word ductor could originate as a gloss to rex, which could in its turn be a corruption of res (the verb has to be corrected as well, but here no clearly preferable decision seems to occur). The best of the preceding conjectures, that of L. Nosarti, is criticized on palaeographic grounds.