Стратегии кодирования финитных сентенциальных актантов в языке акебу
The article aims to test the syntactic status of sentential arguments in constructions with predicatives in Russian, such as "Mne interesno, kak on eto sdelal" 'I wonder (it is interesting to me) how he did this'. The conclusion is that, though there are few tests which unequivocally show the subject status of all sentential arguments of predicatives, a subclass of predicatives, such as "interesno" 'interesting' prove to have a sentential argument with subject properties
Though the Russian infinitive is a non-finite form, it is frequently used independently, with or without the subjunctive particle by. This paper is an attempt to answer the question whether independent infinitival constructions should be considered as a result of insubordination (the term by Nicholas Evans). Basing on the data from Russian National Corpus, two semantic types of infinitival constructions are isolated. One may be referred to as evaluative infinitive (Emu by ostat'sja odnomu ‘It’s better if he stays alone’). The second construction may be called counterfactual non-evaluative infinitive (Ne minovat' by emu tjur'my, no pomogli rodstvenniki ‘He had all chances to go to prison, but his relatives helped him out’). Comparing these constructions with infinitival conditional clauses shows that the evaluative infinitive is a result of insubordination of the protasis of conditional clause, while the semantics of the non-evaluative counterfactual infinitive is a simple sum of the meanings of the infinitive and subjunctive categories.
The paper examines syntactic and distributional properties of complementizers in Kalmyk, morphologically identical to non-finite forms of the verb 'say' (gi-), which is a common feature in Altaic languages. It is shown that when used as a complementizer the verb gi- still exhibits certain features associated with the verb 'say' as manifested in its distribution and restrictions on the interpretation of indexicals. At the same time, in its verbal uses the verb gi- shares a number of properties pertaining to functional elements. A unified analysis of both complementizer and verbal uses is proposed where gi- is a functional verb with impoverished semantic content.
The current paper deals with the grammatical means of sentential actants expression in Mehweb dialect of Dargi (Nakh-Dagestanian language family). The research is also focused on the possibilities for case-marking of logical subject and distant class agreement.
The paper focuses on the paths of grammaticalization of the verb of speech manaš (‘say’, ‘name’) in Eastern Mari. The converb of this verb (manən) is desemantisized, it loses the syntactic properties of the verb of speech and shifts to the category of subordinators. Successive grammaticalization steps of this marker can be observed in Modern Mari: in some contexts it functions as a quotation marker, while in others as a subordinator. We suggest two paths of grammaticalization of this form on the basis of the given analysis: the fi rst path involves the context of verbs of speech, mental and emotive complementtaking predicates, the second path involves the contexts of causation and potential situation (in complementation), purpose and causal adverbial clauses. The argumentation for this grammaticalization pattern is based on the constraints on subordinate predicate encoding (acceptability of non-fi nite clauses with manən), the choice of pronouns [we focus on the choice of the anaphoric vs. deictic strategy of encoding the textual («original» in [Aikhenvald 2008]) speaker and hearer] and the mood of the verb in the complement clause. We show that in Modern Mari the analyzed form can have the following functions: as a quotation marker, as a subordinator in complement and adverbial clauses, as a discourse marker of hesitation and autocorrection, and as a semantically empty subordinator that is used to express negation with the infi nitive.