Русский царь: Александр I
Using numerous sources, including non-published, the paper reconstructs the circle of intellectual interests of the Empress Elizaveta Alexeievna (1779-1826), spouse of the Emperor Alexander I. Her preferences and tastes in reading, music, art, her passion for the Russian history, her mode of arts patronage and charity are described.
«Historiens français et russes divergent sur la campagne de Russie.
Les généraux du Tsar se sont-ils retirés volontairement pour attirer Napoléon au cœur de la Russie et l’anéantir ou ont-ils tout simplement craint d’affronter la Grande Armée, reculant l’échéance aux limites du possible, c’est-à-dire aux portes de Moscou ? Peut-on parler d’une victoire française à la Moskowa ou d’un succès russe à Borodino, étant entendu qu’il s’agit de la même bataille ? Qui a incendié Moscou ? Lors de la retraite« le général hiver » fut-il plus efficace que la« petite guerre » menée par les cosaques ? Peut-on parler de la Bérézina comme d’un désastre ? Après la défaite de 1812 la chute de Napoléon était-elle inévitable ?
Le bicentenaire de 2012 a permis aux historiens français de s’exprimer… Place au point de vue russe avec le professeur Droban.
[…]L’historiographie française a été moins sensible que la russe au mythe de la guerre patriotique : le peuple se soulevant contre l’envahisseur. Sur ce sujet le professeur Droban apporte beaucoup de documents inédits.
Et il a encore raison de noter que Napoléon ne sut pas préparer sa retraite. C’est l’une de ses faiblesses que l’on retrouvera à Leipzig un an plus tard.
[…]Les conséquences de l’année 1812 ne se sont pas arrêtées à la défaite de Napoléon. C’est le mérite de ce beau livre que de le montrer », extraits de la préface de Jean TULARD, de l’Institut
The Inner Horde (Bukay Horde) was a part of Kazakh Little Horde which migrated to the Astrakhan province at the beginning of the 19th century. It caused disputes on its belonging during all its history: Orenburg authorities tried to control it as a part of Little Horde, Astrakhan ones – as a part of their province. Besides, the Inner Horde was created by a personal edict of emperor Paul I,therefore his successors were also interested in this khanate and issued their own acts for it. The author of the article gives the examples of collisions of different Russian state authorities with this small Kazakh khanate and analyzes the consequences of these collisions to describe problems of interactions of central and regional authorities on «national frontiers» of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 19th century.
The article deals with an analysis of the concept of 1812 people’s war as created by the government and political conservatives. The government represented by A.S. Shishkov, secretary of state, and F. Rostopchin, governor of Moscow, wanted to regard the war against Napoleon as the people’s war but was at the same time afraid of possible riots. Ideologically, the consept of the people’s war was also used to justify the serfdom
The article is devoted to the significance of the Constitution of Cadiz for bilateral relationship between Spain and Russia at the beginning of the XIX century and its intellectual importance for Russian society.
It shows that after two years of secret contacts between R.Koshelev, the representative of the Russian Emperor, on one hand, and A.Colombi, substituted later by F.Cea Bermúdez, on the other hand (both nominated by the national power as representatives of Spain, appointed to negotiate on military and political alliance), and after the begging of the invasion of the Napoleonic troops in the territory of Russia in June, 1812 developed to be official contacts.The negotiations culminated in the celebration of Russian-Spanish treaty, which was signed on July, 20, 1812 in Velikii Luki by F.Cea Bermúdez and N. Rumiántsev. Article 3 of the treaty stated that the Russian tsar Alexander I recognized the Constitution of 1812, so in that he was the first monarch in Europe. However the second promulgation of the Constitution of Cadiz in 1820 provoced admiration of the progressive part of the Russian society and hostility of the Emperor and his court.The intellectual importance of the Constitution of 1812 for the progressive part of the Russian society was outstanding. It became a symbol of the victory of the revolutionary and anti-absolutist movement for many Russians. The practical significance of the Constitution of 1812 in Russia is noted: the decembrist N.Muraviev took as models some of its provisions elaborating his constitutional projects.
The Constitution of 1812 was an object of scientific interest of Russian and Soviet historians, who emphasized its role in the political evolution of Spain in the European context. In the 30s of the XX century Soviet researchers paid particular attention to its role as the act of of the Spanish people`s protest. Both lines of the estimation of the Constitution were persued during the II part of the XXth century. First publications of Russian and Soviet authors devoted to the Constitution of 1812 demonstrated particular attention to its legal analisys in the contexst of the constitutional development of Spain and another European countries.
On May 12, 1829, Emperor Nicholas I, by invoking Article 45 of the Constitution which had been granted to the Kingdom of Poland by Alexander I, was crowned King of Poland in Warsaw. This happened some three years after his coronation in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin (August 22, 1826). The unique event in Warsaw, which marked the only coronation of a Russian emperor as King of Poland, has been obscured by the later tensions in Russo-Polish relations and almost erased from the official historical memory of the empire. At the same time, the coronation was Nicholas I' s fascinating attempt to find a compromise with Poland. It directly indicated that Poland is a political entity of its own and, thus, triggered the Polish uprising that happened half a year after.
Императора Александра I, несомненно, можно назвать самой загадочной и противоречивой фигурой среди русских государей XIX столетия. Республиканец по убеждениям, он четверть века занимал российский престол. Победитель Наполеона и освободитель Европы, он вошел в историю как Александр Благословенный - однако современники, а позднее историки и писатели обвиняли его в слабости, лицемерии и других пороках, недостойных монарха. Таинственны, наконец, обстоятельства его ухода из жизни. О загадке императора Александра рассказывает в своей книге известный писатель и публицист Александр Архангельский.