Государство всеобщего благосостояния
The article is devoted to the welfare sate, which is the one of the most important social phenomena of the ХХth century, as well as its present state, challenges and prospects. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there has been a tendency to curtail state social activities caused by a series of crises in social and economic spheres. However, even with the reduction of state social obligations, most of the economically developed countries are trying to maintain the social support system. Futhermore, structural changes are being made, the role of key agents of social policy is being rethought, and national features of the state are taken into account.
Based on the 2008 data from ESS, the article analyses the attitudes of Russians towards state social policy, and compares their opinions with those of populations in selected European countries. The research identifies the factors affecting social attitudes toward welfare policies. Results suggest that Russians believe that the majority of social support functions must be provided by the state stems from the severity of these problems in the country.
Religion or Communist Legacy? The Influence of Religion on Welfare Attitudes in Europe
The paper studies whether welfare attitudes of the Europeans are effected by religiosity of individual- (via degree of religiosity and religious affiliation) and contextual-level (via predominant religion and average religiosity). Results of multilevel statistical analysis performed on the data from ESS-2008 for 27 countries of Europe suggest that religiosity is negatively associated with welfare support as well as being a Catholic or a Protestant. On the contrary, Orthodox Christianity leads to substantive increase in welfare support among respondents as both individual religious affiliation and predominant religion. Finally, in countries without Communist experience religiosity is visibly associated with decline in welfare support, while in PostCommunist countries all respondents are similarly supportive of welfare provision, and more religiosity does not lead to decline in welfare support.
The monograph analyses both the Great Depression as "the black years" of capitalist world-system and alternative ways out the greatest crisis of the capitalist economy. Authors give main attention F.D. Roosevelt's "New Deal" as the Great Reform in USA but they considers also alternative European ways out the Great Depression (fascism versus liberalism corrected). A special attention is dedicated to mutual influence of Soviet and American economies during socialist industrialisation and "New Deal".
Chapters analyses the making of national models of Welfare State as a responce to challenges of the Great Depression and the Second World War. A special attention is dedicated to the British "new liberalism" inspired by J.M.Keynes and W.H.Beveridge as well as the Swedish social-democratic Folkhemmet. The macroeconomic bases of USA development after F.D. Roosevelt's reform are considered separately. Scientific and techical, agricultural and military-industrial aspects of USA's leadership in the capitalist world-system are characterized.
Gendering Postsocialism explores changes in gendered norms and expectations in Eastern Europe and Eurasia after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The dismantlement of state socialism in these regions triggered monumental shifts in their economic landscape, the involvement of their welfare states in social citizenship and, crucially, their established gender norms and relations, all contributing to the formation of the post-socialist citizen. Case studies examine a wide range of issues across 15 countries of the post-soviet era. These include gender aspects of the developments in education in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Hungary, controversies around abortion legislation in Poland, migrant women and housing as a gendered problem in Russia, challenges facing women’s NGOs in Bosnia, and identity formation of unemployed men in Lithuania. This close analysis reveals how different variations of neoliberal ideology, centred around the notion of the self-reliant and self-determining individual, have strongly influenced post-socialist gender identities, whilst simultaneously showing significant trends for a "re-traditionalising" of gender norms and expectations. This volume suggests that despite integration with global political and free market systems, the post-socialist gendered subject combines strategies from the past with those from contemporary ideologies to navigate new multifaceted injustices around gender in Eastern Europe and Eurasia.
This important new book offers the first full-length interpretation of the thought of Martin Heidegger with respect to irony. In a radical reading of Heidegger's major works (from Being and Time through the ‘Rector's Address' and the ‘Letter on Humanism' to ‘The Origin of the Work of Art' and the Spiegel interview), Andrew Haas does not claim that Heidegger is simply being ironic. Rather he argues that Heidegger's writings make such an interpretation possible - perhaps even necessary.
Heidegger begins Being and Time with a quote from Plato, a thinker famous for his insistence upon Socratic irony. The Irony of Heidegger takes seriously the apparently curious decision to introduce the threat of irony even as philosophy begins in earnest to raise the question of the meaning of being. Through a detailed and thorough reading of Heidegger's major texts and the fundamental questions they raise, Haas reveals that one of the most important philosophers of the 20th century can be read with as much irony as earnestness. The Irony of Heidegger attempts to show that the essence of this irony lies in uncertainty, and that the entire project of onto-heno-chrono-phenomenology, therefore needs to be called into question.
The Eastern or Crimean War (1853–1856) phenomenon is the reflection of fundamental conflicts of the era: the clash of empires’ interests and emerging centers of capital – financial elites. The Crimean War can be referred as a protoworld war even by just considering the number of participants. The participants were not united by a common interest, but rather by a common rival. With the commencement of military actions, a common rival became a common enemy. Wars of such a scale usually occur in transitional phases of history, for example, a period of transition from political stability to political fragmentation, or vice versa. The Crimean War was related to the phase of the first type: it destroyed international political stability – the Vienna system, and opened the gate for political instability. The war had a chronocultural sense and this is one of the Crimean War’s secrets.
The article is concerned with the notions of technology in essays of Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger. The special problem of the connection between technology and freedom is discussed in the broader context of the criticism of culture and technocracy discussion in the German intellectual history of the first half of the 20th century.