Экспериментальное исследование ненормативной конструкции о том, что в функции сентенциального актанта при глаголах и существительных
e spread of the complementation construction o tom, čto in non-standard Russian in recent decades has been attested in previous work. It has been established that the construction has a wide distribution and can replace not only ordinary complement clauses introduced by the complementizer čto (so-called čto-clauses), cf. podtverždat’ o tom, čto + p ‘con rm that p’ instead of podtverždat’, čto + p, but also so-called to, čto-clauses (čto-clauses preceded by a demonstrative), including those embedded in prepositional phrases introduced by a preposi- tion other than o, cf. ostanovit’sja o tom, čto + p ‘settle on the fact that p’ instead of ostanovit’sja na tom, čto + p. e construction can also appear as a clausal complement of nouns, cf. podtverždenie o tom, čto + p ‘con rmation that p’ instead of podtverždenie togo, čto + p. e latter uses have been reported to lead to a milder violation, compared to the uses of the con- struction with verbs. e present study tested the latter hypothesis experimentally by using acceptability judgment data. e experiment tested the e ect of the subcategorization of the matrix predicate (in standard Russian), i. e., whether it takes a direct object/čto-clause or a prepositional phrase (embedding a to, čto-clause). e ndings suggest that there is a contrast in the status of clausal complements of verbs and nouns, speci cally, that the latter are not genuine complements as has been earlier suggested in literature.