Интеграция мигрантов второго поколения из Закавказья и Средней Азии в Тюменской области: социальные, языковые и идентификационные аспекты
This article examines integration of second-generation migrants from Transcaucasia and Central Asia (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan) in the Tyumen region, namely their social ties, characteristics of their romantic partners and spouses, language competences and ethnic identifications. The empirical basis for the research included 169 interviews with second-generation migrants and experts conducted in eight localities of the region. This fieldwork constitutes a part of a larger project on second-generation migrants in Russia. This project conducted using both quantitative and qualitative methods is the first all-Russia endeavour to study secondgeneration migrants aged 18–35 years old. The term «second-generation migrants» refers to individuals, whose parents moved to Russia and who graduated from a Russian school, regardless of whether they were born in Russia or moved to Russia at pre-school or school age. The history of the settlement/development of the region in the Soviet period, when the State played a significant role in attracting labour force from different parts of the USSR, contributed to a high level of polyethnicity in the region. This is reflected in a high level of ethnic diversity of the social ties of second-generation migrants at different life stages. Starting from the school years, secondgeneration migrants in the region continue to communicate in mixed social circles. The share of co-ethnic friends and acquaintances varies but never predominates. Apart from educational institutions, there are two other contexts, which may contribute to changes in the ethnic composition of social circles: mosque and sports activities. Selfidentification according to ethnic categories is common but, due to the ethnic diversity of the region, relevant not for all the informants. Romantic relations, which are much more characteristic of male second-generation migrants, are mostly with non-co-ethnic partners. Conversely, marriages are much more often co-ethnic, which reflects the attitudes of the informants’ parents, although the attitudes of the second-generation migrants in this regard vary. All the informants speak fluent Russian, while the level of their parent’s language(s) proficiency can vary.