Языковые средства выразительности в рождественских обращениях Филиппа VI
Since the restoration of monarchy in Spain in 1975, the Spanish King’s Christmas messages are considered to be the main instrument of communication of the Head of State with his citizens. Although they do not have any legal status and belong to the realm of customs and traditions, these speeches receive wide media coverage as they are one of few occasions when the monarch addresses the Spanish people on television. This article deals with syntax and lexical aspects of Felipe VI’s Christmas messages issued from 2014 to 2018 and employs critical discourse analysis in order to highlight the rhetorical devices which the monarch uses to project a friendly image of the situation in Spain, an image that does not always correspond with the concerns of the population. Felipe VI underlines the importance of peaceful coexistence in Spain, a highly democratic country, where the King plays a role of liaison between the State and the citizens. Besides, the monarch uses certain communication strategies. He seeks to persuade the audience of the benefits of the status quo, thereby contributing to its maintenance and hence the legitimacy and perpetuation of the monarchy. The texts are full of rhetorical devices, such as metaphors, personification, repetitions, which are normally used in other genres of political discourse in order to persuade and manipulate the people.
Political discourse has always been one of the most powerful tools of exerting considerable influence on the audience. This may be explained by the fact that it is usually broadcast on the radio or television and printed in newspapers. In other words, political discourse always reaches the addressee in one way or another. This is also the reason for a careful choice of linguistic material, which can help to influence the audience’s opinion. In addition, in order to interpret the discourse correctly one should be aware of the context in which this discourse is created. To illustrate this idea, it is reasonable to turn to the notion of intertextuality, which enables the author to broaden the scope of his/her discourse and to add new shades of meaning to the words uttered by means of an explicit or implicit appeal to other discourses. However, this only becomes possible if the addressee can identify such a link, i.e. he/she possesses the same knowledge and experience as the author. Allusions to music can serve as one of the most illustrative examples of interdiscursivity as they may be recognized by a considerable number of people. Therefore, they can convey the necessary meaning to the addressee. Barack Obama has always employed this method of impacting people’s consciousness. Following the traditions of African American rhetoric, he employs music in his discourse rather frequently, which enables him to appeal to people of various age groups, add new shades of meaning to his words, turn to American history and at the same time be an up-to-date politician. As a result, interdiscursivity is acclaimed an extremely powerful method of influencing the audience and allusions to music being one of its tools have their own purport.
In spite of the fact that the liberalism had a significant history in Russia in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries its coming back to political practice during perestroika and after the collapse of the USSR should be considered as essentially new stage. At that time the traditions of pre-revolutionary liberalism were essentially “forgotten”, and those who was eager to stand under the liberal banner had to reinvent it almost from scratch. After a short triumph in the very beginning of the 1990s and modest electoral success in mid-1990s liberalism has given up its positions as a political force. Since 2003 the liberal parties has lost representation in the State Duma (a lower chamber of the Russian parliament) which brought their marginalization. In mid-2010s, in the context of crisis in Russia’s relationship with the West caused by annexation of Crimea and war in Donbass the liberals became stigmatized as “pro-Western” and “anti-national” political force which made the revival of liberalism highly problematic.
The article presents the result of the scientific study of ideologemes power and society in the language of public politics with the purpose to identify the content of ideologemes and the main ways of their language representation: to identify the frequency of use of language representatives, 150 their collocations, concordance lists, made by using corpus analysis tools. The source of speech material was the platform http://kremlin.ru/; khv.ldpr.ru.
After decades of dominant Marxism-Leninism, the post-Soviet Russian political space offers a multiplicity of discourses associated with the contemprary state and its various organs - such as the party, the presidential administration, the burocracies and media - or with the different places of ideological production revealing plurality and fluidity within Russian political languages and evoking many of the neo-conservativist ideological constructs promoted by the Kremlin. The apparent demise of Russian notions of Liberalism, its polymorphism, the influence of the Soviet experience, perestroika, the effects of the turbulent 1990s, in addiction to the effect of Western thought and foreign policies on Russia's liberal ideas and expectations, determine the role of the remaining institutions and actors that promote political , economic, and constitutional liberalism and manifest an alternative discourse that, although weakened, is still credible.
The article examines the commemorative events of the 100th anniversary of the German and Austrian revolution, the role of various discursive actors and those key toposs that were emphasized or left in the shadows at various levels of discourse. The official festivities, with the participation of federal presidents and chancellors, reproduced the consensus narrative of the republican period in the history of both countries as a path to liberal democracy, where radical alternatives to the right and left were mentioned in the context of Nazism, and their own communist movements were practically not mentioned. National media do not show significant differences, with the exception of the emphasized involvement of experts in their memorial products, when political historians (Austria) and constitutional lawyers (Germany) took center stage. Regional aspects were present in Weimar and Kiel, but the Bavarian Soviet Republic was virtually excluded. Thus, the spread of “knowledge-power” was characterized by the unification of a centralist narrative, in which the path to modern parliamentary democracy stood out at the expense of radical alternatives.
The paper presents the review of the issues of the journal Political linguistics published since 2006. It describes the place of the publications in the development of the contemporary field of knowledge. It shows the prospect for further existence of the journal in the competitive field of special interdisciplinary journals.
The investigation gives the author’s view on teaching creative translation by researching the case of the cognitive political discourse analysis procedure. Of a particular interest is the fact that the research material is based on the example of the discourse analysis of modern political terminology and other non-equivalent vocabulary within the bounds of political contexts. Unlike traditional approaches connecting creativity to literary texts studies, the paper deals with the methodology of comprehending and translating foreign academic and scientific texts. The cognitive study of contextual actualization of political concepts in the English and Russian discourses through their comparative analysis is aimed at professional explanation of motivation in choosing translation equivalents. The algorithm of making up an associative thesaurus based on cognitive signs of lexical marking has been used as the major tool of political discourse analysis as well as the foundation for the original creative model of teaching translation.