Американский консерватизм и вызовы внешней политике США в XXI веке: между интервенционизмом и изоляционизмом
The process of ideological and political transformation of American conservatism under the influence of foreign policy factors in the XXI century is discussed in the article. Foreign policy concepts of various types of American conservatism (neoconservatism, traditionalism, social conservatism, libertarianism, paleoconservatism) are studied based on Michael Frieden’s method of «ideological morphology». Two main directions of the conservative foreign policy (interventionism and isolationism) have been identified. The analysis of the foreign policy aspect of Trumpism as US version of contemporary populism is presented in the light of the ideological approach. The characteristics of Trumpism as «thin-centred» ideology, which based on the antithesis of «the pure American people» and «the corrupt Washington elite» and a concept of «common will of the people», are under investigation in the paper. The research shows, that Trumpism uses concepts of «host» ideology (conservatism) to form its discourse. The connection between the international agenda of Trumpism and isolationist and protectionist ideas of paleoconservatism is determined. The influence of conservative ideological attitudes on the evolution of US foreign policy in the XXI century is traced.
This edited volume looks into the main directions of US policy in Asia-Pacific. As the center of world econoomic development moves into the Pacific, political, social and econoic characteristics of Pacific Rim countries become more important, as well as the nature of their relations with the United States.
This article analyzes the basic models of "Negative Education" (pedagogical, heuristic and erotic) developed in the XVIII century on the border of philosophy, pedagogy and literature. "Don’t let arisen vice" - the main thesis of Rousseau’s doctrine, which is enough to follow for a successful education and the formation of a virtuous citizen. However, the theory of Rousseau does not exhaust the variety of interpretations of the goals and objectives of the isolation of the child in theories of "Negative Education". Examples of pedagogical novels discussed in this article give an idea of the diversity of these pedagogical experiments in the French social thought in the Enlightenment.
The paper is a brief essay on history of libertarianism in the USA with focus on libertarianism as a part of conservative movement. Authors emphasize the fact that many American writers and thinkers of the Right felt strong protolibertarian influence, so libertarianism had all the chances to become the leading current in new American conservatism. In the middle of the 20th century several writers from conservative m “National Review” magazine entertained the idea of “conservative fusionism”, but libertarians rejected it. More, such libertarian leaders as Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard chose confrontation with conservatism. As a result libertarians distanced themselves from conservatism and in the end formed their own party becoming not just an intellectual but also a political movement. Still, Murray Rothbard after his “wilderness years” decided to join the Right again and even offered “paleolibertarian strategy”. But his attempt failed and strategy brought more bad than good to libertarianism, even discrediting the movement. The beginning of 1990s brought the alliance between paleolibertarians and paleoconservatives but no real political successes. Authors point out that in many ways libertarian strain damaged political career of Ron Paul. More, the legacy of paleolibertarian strategy may undermine presidential campaign of Senator Rand Paul – unless he rejects this legacy.
Main objective of this article is to show how the configuration of new media and its ties with the traditional media system in Russia is contributing to isolation of opposition and social control favourable to the ruling power coalition. From our point of view the media system does not push the opposition parties to elaborate clear political strategy which marginalises them and extreme polarizing them against the acting political forces. It does not allow the opposition to participate within normal political life through the creation of blocks, coalitions and associations with other parties. All that in turn increases the threat to the ruling power coalition’s security blanket, which pushes it to preserve the power at any price. Such a conclusion is counter to the idea that “new media” is the catalyst of social changes and protest movements (for example in Arab countries). Direct interaction, flexibility and absence of hierarchy in social media allowed some scholars to highlight the peculiar model of such communication channels, supposedly completely free of manipulation and control. Critiques of such “absence of power relations” within so-called egalitarian networks have been done using theories examining power within networks. This article studies Russian social media within the context of the parallel public sphere and examines the political conditions of inclusion/exclusion of oppositional forces into/from public debates.
Despite the fact that Russian - American relations do not occupy the central place in international political agenda< new cofrontation is the most important round in the struggle for the new international order sonce the Cold war.
Book devoted to analysis of peace operations by UN and specifically "Responsibility to Protect" concept
The main idea of this article is to show how the configuration of new medias and their interactions with traditional media system in Russia contributing to isolation of the opposition and to social control which is advantageous to dominant power coalition. This idea contradicts to dominating common opinion that gives a great importance to new media and presents them like catalysts of social changes for example in Arab World. The direct interaction, the flexibility, absence of hierarchy inspired scholars to make conclusions about non-submission of social networks to the model of manipulated and instrumented communication. This article is examining social networks in Russia within the context of parallel public sphere generating alternative to officially controlled media debate and makes evident political conditions of inclusion/non inclusion of opposition forces into public debate.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.
This special publication for the 2012 New Delhi Summit is a collection of articles by government officials from BRICS countries, representatives of international organizations, businessmen and leading researchers.
The list of Russian contributors includes Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister of Russia, Maxim Medvedkov, Director of the Trade Negotiations Department of the Russian Ministry of Economic Development, Vladimir Dmitriev, Vnesheconombank Chairman, Alexander Bedritsky, advisor to the Russian President, VadimLukov, Ambassador-at-large of the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and representatives of the academic community.
The publication also features articles by the President of Kazakhstan NursultanNazarbayev and internationally respected economist Jim O’Neil, who coined the term “BRIC”. In his article Jim O’Neil speculates about the future of the BRICS countries and the institution as a whole.
The publication addresses important issues of the global agenda, the priorities of BRICS and the Indian Presidency, the policies and competitive advantages of the participants, as well as BRICS institutionalization, enhancing efficiency and accountability of the forum.