A Tangle of Memory: The Eternitate Memorial Complex in Chişinău and History Politics in Moldova
This article explores the role played by the Eternitate memorial complex, the central site for World War II commemoration in Chişinău, as a tool and site of history politics in the Republic of Moldova. It analyzes different facets of the history of the memorial complex, focusing in particular on the years after its renovation in 2006. The article traces the evolution of the site from a Soviet military glory complex to a more multi-layered and diverse commemorative space, which even includes monuments not related to World War II. It demonstrates how commemorations at the complex interact with the complexities of history politics in independent Moldova, as well as with the culturally diverse history of Chişinău and the site itself.
History of classical philology and the reception of Greek and Roman antiquity in Moldova (Moldavia, Bessarabia).
The Republic of Moldova has a long history of shifting borders, and a short history as an independent state. Higher education only expanded during the Soviet era, which saw 9 public higher education institutions come into existence between 1926 and 1988. On the one hand, ample state funding for higher education allowed an unprecedented growth in access to higher education, a well-developed technical and material base, and internationally comparable educational standards. On the other hand, high level of centralization of the Soviet educational system made it static and unable to adequately respond to the changing needs of a dynamic labor market. Strict educational centralization led to bureaucratization of management, authoritarianism, excessive uniformity, lack of understanding of local conditions, stifling of ‘bottom-up’ initiative, and lack of academic mobility. At the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union, participation in higher education was still the third lowest among all Soviet republics.
In Cultural and Political Imaginaries in Putin’s Russiascholars scrutinise developments in official symbolical, cultural and social policies as well as the contradictory trajectories of important cultural, social and intellectual trends in Russian society after the year 2000. Engaging experts on Russia from several academic fields, the book offers case studies on the vicissitudes of cultural policies, political ideologies and imperial visions, on memory politics on the grassroot as well as official levels, and on the links between political and national imaginaries and popular culture in fields as diverse as fashion design and pro-natalist advertising. Contributors are Niklas Bernsand, Lena Jonson, Ekaterina Kalinina, Natalija Majsova, Olga Malinova, Alena Minchenia, Elena Morenkova-Perrier, Elena Rakhimova-Sommers, Andrei Rogatchevski, Tomas Sniegon, Igor Torbakov, Barbara Törnquist-Plewa, and Yuliya Yurchuk.
First time in the historiography, this article explores the relations between NKVD’s filtration camps staff and free workers with the Red Army servicemen returned from the captivity and the encirclement. Considering the achievements and problems in the anthropology studies it analyzes the nature of they interactions and the external factors that had an influence on it: the independence of the bodies responsible for filtration from the camps administration, the ambivalence of the inmates status and the regime of they detainment, the ambiguity of propaganda background. The division on groups had an influence too: the camps administration allocated a part of inmates from the common masses, who could have estimated on a better attitude; the appearance in the camps the «collaborants» led both for the greater stigmatization and the growth of a trust to the former POWs. The most close contacts with the inmates had the private guards, who often had been recruited from the successfully passed the filtration inmates. The relations between them more often had not conflict, but a mutually beneficial way. It analyze shows the importance of the factors, that rare taking into account when describing the prison guards, which status is very close to the prisoners. The command staff in the filtration camps could have sympathized to the former POWs or openly hate them, which indicates that the personal factors had a great value. The directors and the common workers on the facilities could have considered the former POWs as the future colleagues and full-right citizens, but another one demonstrated a disregard and an aggression, acted against the fulfillment plans of production, what shows the strong influence of a propaganda. So, it couldn’t been identified the only one main factor which determined the attitudes to the filtration camp’s inmates. In the behavior of guards and workers in different situations could appear both the determination by the externals factors and the free will.
The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country.
The recent crisis in Ukraine cast a spotlight on those countries located between Russia and the EU, a region that had long existed beneath the radar of international politics. Indeed, even its name remains indeterminate: the term 'post-Soviet' is too encompassing (it could also designate Estonia or Tajikistan) while the notion of 'Eastern Europe' has long lost any geographical anchor. Instead, this space is often named after regional powers’ attempts to shape it: as the EU’s 'Eastern Neighbourhood' or as Russia’s 'Near Abroad'. The new region-building endeavour pursued by Russia through Eurasian integration frameworks is a crucial development in this regard.
On the 29 of May 2014, Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan signed the Treaty establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which extends the provisions of the existing Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) and comes into being in 2015. This integration regime has been lauded by Russian President Vladimir Putin as a new, better version of the European Union, and castigated by US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton as a new form of the Soviet Union. This report shows that it is neither. The EEU is a modern and far-reaching attempt at economic integration, but one that is weakened by internal and conceptual contradictions. What was designed as a geo-economic framework is increasingly becoming a geopolitical issue. In attempting to counter the influence of the EU’s alternative integration regime (the Eastern Partnership), Russia has shifted its diplomacy from persuasion to coercion, and Moscow is increasingly resorting to using the EEU as a foreign policy tool. The countries of the entredeux – literally, something placed between two things – are being forced to face to a geopolitical choice they had been trying to avoid, or at least to defuse. Divisive domestic politics, separatism, structural dependencies and the economic and political calculations of internal actors are key factors mediating and complicating their choice. This report focuses on these issues that are too often overlooked in the debate on Russia-EU regional competition.