Hosidius Geta’s Cento Medea: Vergilian Tragedy or Tragedy against Vergil?
Contemporary scholarship generally reads allusion in Hosidius Geta's second-century AD cento Medea as modeled on the technique of learned allusions, meant to appeal to the reader's sophistication. I suggest an alternative reading of allusion and therefore also of meaning in Medea. The allusive play that we can reliably recognize in Hosidius' Medea is, on my reading, quite democratic: it requires rather little from the reader's memory, as it creates largely tonal contrasts between Vergilian words and the new (often brutal) senses wuth which Hosidius imbues them.
This article is dedicated to the II Council of Seville (A.D. 619) and its decisions. This Council was presided over famous Isidore of Seville, a great expert of Classical culture and in particolary in Roman law. Thanks to Isidore the canons of its Council were influenced by the norm of Theodosian Code. In that way the Roman Law became a base of the Canonical Law.
This volume explores social, political, religious, and aesthetic aspects of slave-owning, and the experience of being a slave, in late antiquity
A conjecture of longe is proposed at Verg. Aen. 12.510 based on Vergil’s Homeric model and on a probable imitation by Statius.
The present thesis is a study of Athanasios of Alexandria‘s thought and writings—predominantly pastoral—in the context of ecclesial, ascetic, and liturgical developments in fourth-century Christian communities in Egypt. I explore Athanasios‘ Festal Letters, individual correspondence (primarily the Letter to Markellinos), and the Life of Antony from the perspective of the bishop‘s concerns about the contemporaneous diversity of devotional and liturgical practices of praying and hymn-singing. The central argument of this thesis is that Athanasios had a coherent vision of the ideal Christian prayer and hymnody. For Athanasios, 'orthodox‘ Christians—lay and ascetics, educated devotees and common believers alike—should derive their practices of devotion and liturgy from the Bible—the Psalter and the Biblical odes—rather than other sources. Athanasios‘ programme of devotional and liturgical orthopraxy centred around the Biblical ideal is part of his much broader ecclesiological project of bringing unity to the division-riddled church of Egypt. The bishop conceives of the Scripturally-cued shared patters of praying and hymn-singing as one of the means to unify scattered Christian communities. Although his pastoral programme of a uniform Biblical devotion is not as self-consciously and combatively formulated as e.g. his polemic against the 'Arians‘ or Meletians, it surfaces across his writings with consistency. Targeted against the diversity of modes of prayer and hymn-singing practiced across a variety of doctrinally, ecclesially, and socially different communities, Athanasios‘ pastoral programme of devotional orthopraxy reflected the trends towards unification in the bishop-led Christian culture of late antiquity and contributed to their further strengthening.
One of the Greco-Roman theories of the relationship between fact and fiction in poetic texts remained quite widespread in the medieval commentary tradition. The unpublished accessus to the Aeneid by Zono de’ Magnalis (early 14th cent.) presents an unusual variant of this theory
My book examines the function and development of the cult of saints in Coptic Egypt. For this purpose I focus primarily on the material provided by the texts forming the Coptic hagiographical tradition of the early Christian martyr Philotheus of Antioch, and more specifically – the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch (Pierpont Morgan M583). This Martyrdom is a reflection of a once flourishing cult which is attested in Egypt by rich textual and material evidence. This text enjoyed great popularity not only in Egypt, but also in other countries of the Christian East, since his dossier includes texts in Coptic, Georgian, Ethiopic, and Arabic. This work examines the literary and historical background of the Martyrdom of Philotheus and similar hagiographical texts. It also explores the goals and concerns of the authors and editors of Coptic martyr passions and their intended audience. I am arguing that these texts were produced in order to perform multiple functions: to justify and promote the cult of a particular saint, as an educational tool, and as an important structural element of liturgical celebrations in honour of the saint.
1. In the text of Passio S. Sebastiani (BHL 7543), 13, AASS 2.267, instead of …ita illic refectio, quam os susceperit, melliflua in gustu hoc unicuique sapit, quo fuerit delectatus, a new reading is proposed: ...ita illic refectio, quam os susceperit, melliflua in gustu. Hoc unicuique satis, quo fuerit delectatus. Besides, examination of the available part of the manuscript tradition (which is huge and nearly unexplored) possibly points to instability of the transmitted text as well. 2. In the text of Chromatius of Aquileia’s Sermones, 26.94–98 Étaix–Lemarié, instead of post multas uirtutes et mirabilia, quae fidem credentium confirmauit, a new reading is proposed: post multas uirtutes et mirabilia, quae fidem credentium confirmarunt (if r could be mistaken for the left vertical line of u, then it is easy to imagine a corruption of -rũt to -uit). 3. A new approach to the solution of the problem posed by senseless and unmetrical ductor iacet in Corippus, Iohannis 4.1 is proposed: the word ductor could originate as a gloss to rex, which could in its turn be a corruption of res (the verb has to be corrected as well, but here no clearly preferable decision seems to occur). The best of the preceding conjectures, that of L. Nosarti, is criticized on palaeographic grounds.