The Church of the East & Its Theology: History of Studies
This essay offers a concise overview of the attempts to develop our understanding of East-Syrian Christianity known as the Church of the East, and of studies concerning its history and theological concepts. Beginning with early contacts between Persian Christians and their 'Roman' neighbours, the author further deals with the research that has taken place in modern times. He demonstrates how various aspects became known to the Western academic community, including the East-Syriac version of the Antiochene theological heritage, the Christological controversies which challenge conventional views, and the extensive growth of this Church to the East. The most important authors and publications are listed and a description is given of the distinctive characteristics of the stages of this history of studies.
Thematic volume of the Gosudarstvo, religija, cerkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom (2/33, 2015) entitled “Hristianskij Vostok: gosudarstva i mezhkonfessional'nye svjazi” [Christian Orient: The States and Interconfessional Relations]; edited by Dr. N. Seleznyov.
The article describes materials of the autobiographic composition Sharh-i zindagani-i man ya tarikhi-i ijtima'-i wa idari-i dawra-i Qajariya (The story of my life or history of social relations and system of administration under the Qajars), written by the representative of the class of hereditory tax collectors and members of civil administration Abdallah Mustawfi, which covers vide range of aspects of political and socio-economic history of Persia/Iran under the Qajars and the Pahlawi. Special attention has been paid to traditional units (luti, dashi) of Tehran population.
The Syrian conflict came in 2015 at the foreground for both the US-Russia relations and global political and military-political governance. The fight against the "Islamic State" and other radical Islamist terrorist groups in Syria (above all AlNusra Fornt, which is Al Qaeda's affiliate) and an ability of the international community to joint forces and establish cooperation on this issue, to overcome or mnimize the inter-state impediments against this, is a test fomr global governance with the US and other centers of power, including Russia, participation.
Interference of regional and global players in Syrian conflict may be analyzed from different perspectives, but it is clear that the attack is launched not only against the ruling regime of an Arab country, but against Iran as well. The objective of intervention are not limited to downplaying the role of Syria in the region only. The collapse of Assad regime will significantly weaken the potential of Iranian policy on all vectors.
The paper explores the outcomes of Russian Federation G20 Presidency in 2013. The analysis is based on the model of balancing external conditions and national priorities for developing an agenda in informal institutions (supply-demand model). This analytical paradigm allows to reveal to what extent the Presidency has managed to ensure: 1) a high level of response to the key global governance challenges in the agenda and summit decisions; 2) a balance between national and other members’ interests in the Presidency priorities; 3) utilizing the institution’s capabilities; 4) conformity of the role chosen by the Presidency (organizer, mediator, political leader, national representative) to the combination of external and internal conditions.
Russia took over the responsibility for coordinating the G20 work from Mexico, accepting the rotating presidency of this premier forum for economic cooperation on December 1, 2012. The G20 met the fifth year of its work under conditions of a two speed recovery which by March 2013 transformed into a three speed recovery. Unsteady and sluggish growth, persisting imbalances and downside global economy risks demanded that this forum of the world largest economies concentrate the efforts on developing a set of measures aimed at boosting sustainable, inclusive and balanced growth and jobs creation around the world. These priorities constituted the core of the Russian G20 presidency concept, aimed at ensuring sustainable global growth and rebuilding of trust between the world economy different agents in accordance with the G20 mission and capability.
Consolidating efforts on its core economic and financial priorities, the G20 also launched collaboration to overcome such risks as increasing income disparities, chronic underinvestment into development of safe, secure and modern infrastructure, unforeseen consequences of regulation.
The analysis findings reveal that the Russian presidency managed to ensure a good balance of national interests and the partners’ prioritiesin the G20 agenda; utilizing the G20 capabilities to respond to the key global governance challenges. The choice of the presidency role depended on the nature of the issues and was defined by a combination of internal and external conditions. Thus, the acuteness of the problem for all summit participants determined demand for leadership in including into the economic forum agenda the debate on a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Syria. On employment and social policies the Russian presidency combining the roles of an organizer and a political leader helped upgrade the G20 dialogue to a new quality level.
A major success factor in deliberation and adoption of the comprehensive action plan on base erosion and profit shifting was the OECD capability to take responsibility for the plan development. With the OECD leadership, solid experts’ foundation, and a high level of relevance of the problem for all members, the presidency supported the process as the organizer.
On the topic of stimulating long-term investment, a priority for Russia as well as most of the G20 partners, the presidency managed to consolidate the efforts of several international institutions over a short period. On this priority, as well as on the financial regulation reform, the presidency acted as a representative of the national interests and an organizer. In developing the new development strategy the choice in favor of a combination of a mediator and an organizer proved most productive. As a result the G20 agreed a new cooperation for development outlook.
The presidency active collaboration with the international organizations and engagement with social partners was instrumental in harnessing their experts’ potential and enhancing the G20 transparency, legitimacy and effectiveness. The G20 institutions consolidation continued through development of new coordination mechanisms and strengthening accountability.
Under the Russian presidency the G20 reaffirmed its value as the premier economic cooperation forum. Emphasizing restoring strong and inclusive growth and employment while ensuring fiscal sustainability, the leaders for the first time in the history of the G20 stressed that the well-being of individual people should be at the center of the growth agenda. This consequential outcome of the five years collaboration might be a start of a new G20 agenda where inclusiveness is one of the pillars of growth.
The article is concerned with the notions of technology in essays of Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger. The special problem of the connection between technology and freedom is discussed in the broader context of the criticism of culture and technocracy discussion in the German intellectual history of the first half of the 20th century.